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* History is the essence of innumerable biographies,* 
says Carlyle. That Christopher Monck, second 
Duke of Albemarle, may contribute his mite to 
modern knowledge and understanding of life in 
England under the last two Stuart kings would seem 
sufficient reason for relating his story, even if his 
personal history did not claim a place among the 
romantic episodes of his day. He was born in an 
attic over a tailor's shop with a shadow on his birth- 
right ; at the age of thirteen he was a member of 
Parliament ; at sixteen he inherited his father's 
titles and his great wealth, and took his place in the 
brilliant circle surrounding King Charles the Second. 
His enjoyment of rough sports and pastimes, his gay 
hours at Court, his earnest attempts to embrace first 
the statesman's and then the soldier's life, are tastes 
and ambitions shared with a dozen others of his con- 
temporaries ; but his connection with a successful 
treasure hunt and his experiences as Governor of 
Jamaica distinguish his career from that of the many. 
An adverse fate brought him close to lasting fame and 
then rebuffed him. The religious prejudices of the 
Devonshire militia deprived him of the power to 
suppress Monmouth's rebellion. His own untimely 
death, at the age of thirty-five, stopped fiTfther action 
in the matter of reforms in Colonial Government, 
which he had demanded of the home Government. 
These reforms, the necessity for which the Duke of 


Albemarle had the discernment to perceive, had they 
been established, would perhaps have had far-reach- 
ing consequences in the history of the American 

A few disconnected words written on a piece of 
old parchment, forming part of a dispatch-case, once 
the property of Colonel Joseph Ward, of General 
Washington's staff, first introduced the Duke of 
Albemarle to my notice. This fragment proved to 
be a part of a royal warrant granted to Christopher, 
Duke of Albemarle, and his five associates, the 
Gentlemen Adventurers. It gave permission for the 
use of two ships with which to make search for a lost 
Spanish galleon. From this slender beginning this 
volume has developed. 

It would be a matter of intense surprise to the 
Duke of Albemarle could he realise how completely 
he has been forgotten. Of high rank, rich, actively 
interested in various pursuits, he made a striking 
and brilliant figure in the social life of his day, and 
an unexpected amount of detail concerning him has 
rewarded the researches of his biographer. These 
researches have been conducted among contemporary 
records ; state papers, domestic and colonial, private 
correspondence, diaries, news-letters, gazettes, and 
testimony given before various courts of law. The 
original documents have been consulted in all cases 
where it was possible to gain access to them. When 
the original letter was not available for examination, 
quotations have been made from the Historical 
Manuscripts Commission Reports. One of more of 
these documents can be cited as authority for every- 
thing contained in this biography. In its construc- 
tion imagination plays no part. ~— * 

In the course of my inquiries into the life of the 
Duke of Albemarle I have met with the greatest 


kindness and courtesy in every place where material 
was to be found. The quest was necessarily carried 
on chiefly in England. 

Of the American Ambassador to England, the late 
Hon. Whitelaw Reid, many courtesies and kind- 
nesses"are remembered. To the Duke of Portland, 
K.G., G.C.V.O., is due a gratitude that is not easily 
expressed. To his large generosity in permitting 
weeks of study among his manuscripts and portraits 
preserved at Welbeck Abbey is due what has been 
caught of the spirit and flavour of the seventeenth 
century. To the Duke of Portland I am further 
indebted for introductions to other owners of manu- 
scripts. I tender sincere thanks to the Duke of 
Buccleuch, K.G., K.T., for use of the Montagu House 
Manuscripts, and to the Duke of Leeds and his 
agent, Colonel Archer, for access to those manuscripts 
preserved at Hornby Castle. To Colonel Charles 
Waring Darwin of Elston Hall for particulars from 
old accounts. To Mr. Richard W. Goulding, 
Librarian to the Duke of Portland, I am under the 
greatest obligation for much valuable information 
from his great store of historical knowledge, and for 
kindness in reading and verifying the manuscript 
of the entire book. Grateful acknowledgments are 
also made to various gentlemen for courtesies in 
connection with manuscripts and books in public 
collections : — 

Clare College, Cambridge (Mr. J. R. Wardale, 
M.A.) ; Emmanuel College, Cambridge (Mr. Peter 
Giles, M.A., and Mr. Philip Worsley Wood, M.A.) ; 
the Registry of Cambridge University (Mr. J. N. 
Keynet) ; the Bodleian Library (Mr. F. Madan) ; 
All Souls College, Oxford ; the British Museum ; the 
Public Record Ofiice ; the Privy Council Oflice ; and 
the House of Lords. 


In America, the Library of Congress, the New 
England Historical Society Library, the Boston 
Athenseum, the Boston Public Library, the Chicago 
Public Library, the Newberry Library, the John 
Crerar Library, the North-western University Library, 
the Evanston Public Library have been consulted. 

I am indebted for many suggestions to Mr. H. P. 
Biggar of London; to Professor Charles M. Andrews 
of Yale University for much assistance in arrange- 
ment of footnotes; to Mr. Henry Kitchell Webster 
and Mr. George Bradley Ward for assistance in pre- 
paring and verifying the manuscript. 

From this list it would be ungrateful to exclude the 
name of Christopher Monck. He has proved to be 
the most delightful of companions, and has led me 
through many ways and brought to me many inter- 
esting experiences. If, then, I can restore him in 
some measure to the world in which he so much 
delighted, it may serve as some return for the plea- 
sure he has afforded me. 

EsTELLE Frances Ward. 

Evanston, Illinois, U.S.A., 1914. 















INDEX 357 



From a picture by T. Murrey at Wclbcck Abbey. 

From the picture in the National Portrait Gallery. 


From an old engraving. 


From the picture by Lely at Welbeck Abbey. 


From an engraving by George Vertue. 


From the miniature painted by L. Crosse in 1680, noiu in the 
possession of Mr. E. M. Hodgkins. 


From an old engraving. 


From the picture by Mary Beale at Welbeck Abbey. 




' Strong were our Sires, and as they fought they writ, 
Conquering with force of arms and dint of wit : 
Theirs was the giant race before the flood, 
And thus when Charles return'd our empire stood.' 

Dryden, Epistle to Congreve, xi. 59. 


Christopher Monck, second Duke of Albemarle, 
courtier, treasure seeker, and colonial governor, 
sprang from an ancient family. A pamphleteer of 
1659 sets forth ' how he is descended from King 
Edward the Third, by a Branch and Slip of the White 
Rose, the House of York, and likewise His Extraction 
from Richard, King of the Romans.' ^ Despite this 
exalted ancestry Christopher Monck might well have 
passed his life as a simple country gentleman on the 
ancestral estates of the Moncks of Potheridge had 
not a boyish misadventure sent forth his famous 
father, George Monck, into the world to earn the 
honours and riches which descended to his son. This 
misadventure is of such import in the unfolding of the 
story of Christopher Monck that, although it took 
place nearly thirty years before his birth, its relation 
begins his biography. 

In September 1625 all the little world of Devon 
was astir with excitement. A great fleet lay crowded 
into Plymouth harbour, planning to singe the Don's 
beard. The days of Frobisher and Drake were to be 
renewed, to the enrichment of the new King, Charles i., 
and to the lasting glory of the men of Devon. To 
add to the interest, the King, with the favourite 
Buckingham,^ had journeyed down into the west 

^ The Pedigree and Descent of His Excellency General G. Monck. 
Printed for W. Godbid over against the Blew Anchor in Little Britain, 
1659 : London. Corbett, Monck. Christopher Monck's great-grand- 
father's grandmother waS the heiress of Richard Campernown who held 
kinship with King John through Richard, King of the Romans. 

* George ViUiers, first Duke of Buckingham. 



country to witness the sailing of his fleet and to inspire 
his subjects to deeds of valour. 

Sir Thomas Monck in the old manor of Potheridge, 
near Torrington, found himself in a serious dilemma. 
Seventeen generations of the Moncks, loyal men, in 
unbroken line, had lived on this estate. Surely Sir 
Thomas must be among those gentlemen who were 
gathering at Exeter to pay their duty to their new 
King. Was it not his right as great-grandson of that 
Arthur Plantagenet ^ over whose pretensions to the 
English throne, in opposition to little Edward v., Par- 
liaments had wrangled ? He whom Henry viii. had 
clapped on the back — the bluff King's way, had called 
cousin, and made him Viscount Lisle and Governor of 
Calais ? But the owner of an encumbered estate and 
the father of ten children found a serious impedi- 
ment in his way. Lavish hospitality had brought him 
deeply into debt. He dared not visit Exeter, lest he 
should fall into the clutches of the law ; for the sheriff 
had long lain in wait to arrest him on behalf of his 
creditors. In this crisis young George Monck, the 
second son, then some seventeen years old, made off 
to the sheriff armed with a bribe and such diplomacy 
as was needful to secure a cessation of hostilities dur- 
ing the visit of the Sovereign. 

So Sir Thomas rode forth in all his bravery to kiss 
the royal hand ; but almost at the instant of homage 
the perfidious sheriff, blind alike to his word and his 
respect for royalty, seized the debtor. Into plague- 
stricken Exeter young George followed the false 

1 Edward iv.= Elizabeth Lucie. 
Arthur Plantagenet= Elizabeth, daughter 

(created Viscount 
Lisle 1.533). 

of Edward Grey, 
Viscount Lisle. 

Frances=Sir Thomas Monck of Potheridge. 


sheriff, and, overtaking him, dragged him from his 
horse and beat him as he lay upon the ground. 

A sordid story enough, but it resulted in a train- 
ing for the boy which determined whether England 
should be ruled by Puritan or Cavalier. Obliged to 
hurry out of sight lest an outraged sheriff should wreak 
his vengeance on him, George Monck sought refuge 
in the waiting fleet, and he speedily sailed for Cadiz 
under the command of his uncle. Sir Bevil Grenville. 

The descendants of Drake and Frobisher succeeded 
in capturing only ' cellars of sweet wines, where many 
hundreds of them being surprised and found dead 
drunk, the Spaniards came and tore off their ears,' ^ 
while the rich fleet of plate-ships that was to make 
King Charles independent of his Parliament slipped 
by, in safety, into Lisbon. Escaping mutilation, 
George Monck next pursued his fortune to France 
and the Low Countries, for many years the school 
for the real soldiers of Europe, and with many of the 
future generals of the English Civil War fought under 
Frederick Henry, Prince of Nassau. The year 1638 
found him fighting still, now with the English flag 
against the Scots, and in Ireland. Under the patron- 
age of his relative, Lord Leicester,^ he rose in rank 
and in reputation. A strict disciplinarian, he was 
yet the most popular of commanders. The im- 
petuosity of his encounter with the sheriff was gone 
for ever. He was known as a silent, observant man, 
biding his time, watchful of events, making no 
promises to any man. 

With the breaking out of the Civil War, Lord 
Ormonde,^ doubtful of his loyalty to the King's party, 

1 Howell, Epistolae Ho-Elianae, vol. i. sec. 4, p. 169. 

* Robert Sidney, Earl of Leicester, 1595-1677. Connected with the 
Moncks through Elizabeth, wife of A. Plantagenet. Her first husband 
was Edmund Dudley. 

* James Butler, 1610-1688, afterwards the first Duke of Ormonde. 



sent Monck as a prisoner to Bristol. His jailer 
proved to be one of the numerous kinsmen with whom 
the Moncks were so richly endowed, and an interview 
was presently arranged between this stubborn colonel 
and his sovereign at Oxford. Charles was so much 
impressed with Monck's military capacity that he 
appointed him Major-General of the Irish Brigade, 
with whom he amply justified the King's impression. 
However, his days of command were terminated 

At Nantwich, January 25, 1644, General Fairfax 
made a capture that pleased him greatly. The 
Parliamentarians, as well as the King's men, had had 
an eye upon Monck, the successful soldier. Fairfax ^ 
had hoped to persuade him to abandon the King's 
cause, but his arguments were unavaihng, and nothing 
remained to be done but to send General Monck to 
the Tower and hope that time would teach him 

Here he worthily employed some of his days in 
writing a treatise on military tactics and discoursing 
with the Bishop of Ely, his fellow-prisoner ; and a 
strong friendship grew speedily between the two. 

But a prisoner has many hours to fill, and Mars 
out of employment is a proverbial target. Even the 
least imaginative mind can clothe with grace this 
common romance. Anne Clarges, daughter of a 
farrier in the Strand, was wife of Thomas Radford. 
Together the Radfords kept a milliner's shop in the 
New Exchange, at the Sign of the Three Spanish 
Gypsies,^ where they sold perfumes and wash-balls. 
In her capacity of sempstress Anne visited the Tower, 

^ Thomas Fairfax, third Baron, 1612-1671. 

^ The Case of the Heirs at Law to George Monck, Late Duke of Albemarle. 
rrinted and sold by B. Bragg, at the Sign of the Black Raven in 
Pater Nostcr Row (1709). 


and became known to George Monck. From the first 
she exercised a strange influence over the strong, 
silent man. He who feared no man Hstened to her 
opinion with respect, and in later years feared her 
tongue not a little. On her side, with strong Royalist 
prejudices, she was easily drawn towards the captive 
who refused to take the covenant or make his peace 
with the conquering Parliamentarians. The semp- 
stress never held any claim to beauty. In later life 
the adulation of sycophants supplied her with a 
splendid pedigree ; but at this time she was only the 
daughter of a farrier, wife or widow of a milhner, and 
sister of an apothecary. Dr. Clarges. Thomas Radford, 
never anything but a name, disappears from the story, 
either obligingly or of necessity. The date of his 
death was never known, and, in consequence, he caused 
untold trouble in later years. 

In the Tower was a friendly bishop. Perhaps his 
hands blessed the pair ; for on November 8, 1646, 
Frances Monck, the General's sister, writing to him 
in Scotland from the ancestral Potheridge, says that 
their brother Nicholas has written to * your wife ' to 
borrow money, and she exhibits so friendly a spirit 
towards Anne that among his own family no thought 
of irregularity in their union could have been har- 

When all hope of Royalist success seemed dead 
Monck finally consented to join the Parliamentarians, 
with the proviso that he should fight in Ireland and 
Scotland, and never against his old Cavalier com- 
panions. Before leaving the Tower he sought the 
Bishop of Ely to receive his blessing, saying : ' Now 
go I into Ireland, but I hope one day to do His Majesty 
Service against the Rebels here.' ^ So he received 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., rjth Report, Buccleuch MSS., p. 308. 
* Gumhle, Life 0/ General Monck, Y>- 118. 


episcopal blessing and was dismissed. Anne Clarges 
accompanied Monck on some of his campaigns, and 
her father also followed the army as farrier. 

In 1 65 1, with health impaired by a life of warfare, 
Monck returned to London, where he went through a 
marriage ceremony with Anne, although she for some 
seven years had been privately recognised as his wife. 
The registry of St. George's, Southwark, Surrey, 
shows the record on January 23, 1655.^ Later In 
this year, with that versatlUty with which generals of 
the seventeenth century were believed to be endowed, 
he commanded the English fleet against the Dutch. 
His wife was left behind in London In the care of 
her brother. Dr. Thomas Clarges, beset by serious 

Such was the story of General George Monck and 
his wife Anne Clarges, the sempstress, and such were 
the events which preceded the birth of their son 

* Cokayne, Complete Peerage, edited by Hon. Vicary Gibbs. See 
also note under her burial, Chester, Registers of Westminster Abbey; 
Salkeld's Reports, i. p. 120 (ed. 1795), Hilary Term, 6 Win. iii., King's 


On August 14, 1653, the gossips along the Strand and 
about Charing Cross had sufficient material to keep 
their tongues busy. Anne Clarges, the blacksmith's 
daughter, had a son born that day whom she called 
Christopher and named his father the great Par- 
liamentary general, Monck, now temporarily an 
admiral and gallantly fighting the Dutch with his 
fleet. To those who pointed the finger of scorn and 
whispered that no good could come of one who had 
been sempstress to Monck, a Royalist prisoner in 
the Tower, she returned that the Parish Register of 
St. George's, Southwark, showed her marriage lines, 
where those who chose might read. To inquiries as 
to the whereabouts of Thomas Radford, the husband 
with whom she had kept shop at the Sign of the Three 
Spanish Gypsies, and sold lavender, perfumes, and 
soap balls to all the neighbourhood, the lady replied 
that he was dead and, as they all knew, had not 
been seen these several years. But why the child 
Christopher had been born in an attic over a tailor's 
shop instead of the home of her brother, Thomas 
Clarges, the apothecary, was a harder riddle to solve. 
Anne explained that she had visited the tailor's to 
purchase new stays. ^ But the wise ones whispered 
that Thomas Clarges, believing not at all in the 
Southwark marriage, had turned his sister out of 
doors, and the tailor in charity had lent her his garret 

^ Evidence, in case of Bath v. Sherwin, was given that stays were not 
worn at this time. 


in her necessity.^ So the tongues wagged and the 
heads nodded over against St. Clement Danes, 
where the old houses with timbered fronts and 
gabled roofs still overhung the streets of ancient 

Firm in her assertions, Mrs. Monck, as we must 
now call her, was unabashed by these clamours. She 
produced twelve hundred pounds, a gift from the 
absent General, at sight of which Thomas Clarges 
renewed his brotherly interest and presently posted 
off to the fleet to inform Monck that he was father of 
a hopeful son. The General was found in a genial 
mood. Van Tromp, long England's bane, had been 
shot with a musket ball as he stood on the poop of 
his ship * encouraging his men with a drawn sword.' ^ 
Mrs. Monck was quickly acknowledged, and her 
brother removed her and her child, now confirmed in 
the family name of Christopher, to Deptford. With 
them, as nurse, went Honour Mills, a vender of 
apples and oysters. Later they were received by Sir 
Peter Killigrew, still another of Monck's cousins, 
at his home in Dutchy Lane, near Somerset 

The family were united soon after, and the General 
with his wife and son departed for Scotland to take 
command of the forces there. Some state now sur- 
rounded the Parliamentary general. In addition to 
his secretary, he had two chaplains : Dr. Gumblc, 
suspected of spying on behalf of the Parliament ; 
Dr. Price, well known secretly to favour the Stuarts. 
Each wrote a life of their patron. Spirited bio- 
graphers they both are, and neither neglects to record 

* Burnet, History of His Own Time ; Aubrey, The National and 
Domestic History of England (London, 1867-70) ; Sir P. Warwick, 
Atemoires of the reigne of King Charles I. y with a continuation to the . . . 
restauration of King Charles II. (London, 1701). 

* Guuible, Life, p. 63. 


his suspicion of the other. Dr. Gumble thus records 
Monck's next move : 

* The General himself, who had always an inclina- 
tion to a country life, who much delighted in plant- 
ing and husbandry, rented Dalkeith, a stately palace 
belonging then to the Countess of Buccleuch, about 
five miles from Edinburgh ; where he had a very 
large and stately park walled about and full of 
trees, with two Rivers running through it, with a 
curious garden and orchard ; where he lived in the 
midst of all the blessings a country retirement could 
afford. And took care that all others should enjoy 
the same blessings, which he wanted not, relieving 
his poor soldiers with good sums upon their necessity, 
having also equal charity for all Scottish men that 
they should obtain justice and right, so that now no 
great man durst oppress his poor neighbours. And 
now Gen'l Monck for some years lives very quietly, 
making no noise, nor meddling with Cromwell's busi- 
ness in England, which will afford little memorable. 
At this time he fell into a particular acquaintance 
with some of the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland 
and . . . there began to be a kind of hearty and 
mutual love between them ; ... he praised and 
admired no sort of men more for their noble and 
generous ways of conversation and with this opinion 
he continued to the day of his death.' 

Dr. Skinner, a third contemporary biographer, adds 
further that 

' in the intervals of publick business, he diverted 
himself with the pleasures of planting and hus- 
bandry, resembling the heroes of Ancient Rome. 
About this time as an alloy to his felicity the General 
lost his second son George, who In his infancy died of 
a fever attended with convulsion fits, and was burled 
In the chapel at Dalkeith House. The death of this 
child affected the General with such unusual and deep 
a sorrow as was greatly admired by those who knew 
not, that in the highest courage there is a mixture 
of the greatest tenderness.' 


Dr. Gumble records : 

* Never father took the loss of a child with more tears 
and grief, which would seem incredible, that a man of 
so great a heart should yield to such sorrows, but it 
was certainly an evidence of a great sweetness of 
temper and of a tender affection.' 

The General's desire for wealth, which alone is 
cited against him as a fault, had begun to manifest 
itself, and, ably seconded by his wife, he was steadily 
adding to his possessions. Upon little Christopher, 
now the only son, rested all the parents' hopes for 
the future. Even in these early years he showed 
that strong resemblance to his father which is so 
noticeable in his later portraits, and this served to 
intensify the father's attachment to his only child. A 
companion and playfellow was desired for him, and 
his young cousin Mary, daughter of the Reverend 
Nicholas Monck, now came to live at Dalkeith House. 
We may imagine these seventeenth-century children, 
long-curled and active, playing about those gardens 
and stately parks as would children of a later day, 
little heeding the Scottish mists or wintry blasts. 

In 1658 came a sudden change of public feeling, 
which even the children felt. Oliver Cromwell was 
dead, and Richard, his feeble son, endeavoured to 
rule in his stead. This was little to the mind of the 
Scottish army, and many a murmured word must the 
child Christopher have overheard. Monck's officers 
were moved to say : ' Old George for my money, he 
is fitter for a Protector than Dick Cromwell.' ^ Did 
not the child straighten his little back and walk more 
proudly, dreaming a baby's dreams of honours yet 
to come ? His father was a great man now ; all the 
armies of Scotland obeyed him. Then, too, Mrs. 
Monck, for ever warned to be discreet, might safely 

> Gumble, Life, p. 94. 


murmur in her little son's ear some of her own am- 
bitions. Strangely enough, these were not of a kind 
to seat her husband in the coronation chair. 

Nicholas Monck, the clergyman brother, ever loyal 
to the house of Stuart, had cast his fortunes with his 
cousins, the Grenvilles. Sir John, son of old Sir Bevil 
Grenville, had attached himself to the English Court 
in Paris, and was in constant communication with 
Royalist sympathisers in England. Sir John Gren- 
ville was permitted to return to his ancestral estates 
in Devon, although these were at present held by 
a Parliamentarian.^ Here he lived in quiet, and 
Nicholas Monck, brother of the great General, became 
his neighbour. These two gentlemen soon laid their 
heads together, and much planning ensued concern- 
ing the darling project in the heart of each : the 
restoration of the Stuarts, in the person of Charles 11., 
now a wanderer on the Continent. George Monck 
was their great hope, but up to this time he had 
refused to see any emissary or to hear any plans even 
from his wife. It was very necessary to divert 
suspicion from the ever watchful eyes of Parliament. 
Richard Cromwell was proving unequal to the task 
of government. Men's eyes looked about for another 
ruler. ' Why not Old George ? ' said the army in 
Scotland ; and they felt that, like the legions of ancient 
Rome, they were in a position to carry out their own 

But Mrs. Monck was a power to be reckoned with 
and the one person the General feared. Her sym- 
pathies had always been with the Royalist cause. 
Her favourite chaplain, Price, quoted to her a principle 
of the Marquis of Argyll, ' that it was the character 
of a wise man not to let the world know of what 
religion he was.' But the General's lady found him 

' Skinner, Life of General Monck, pp. 91-100. 


one, for now she declared : * Mr. Monck is a Pres- 
byterian, and my son Kit is for the Long Parhament 
and the good old cause.' ^ Such sentiments, we may 
well believe, were carefully kept from the Chaplain 
Gumble, whom Mrs. Monck rightly considered a spy 
of the London government. To all these murmurers 
the General gave no countenance. Nevertheless, 
certain inquiries were made at the instigation of 
Parliament, but their inquisitors returned to London 
unsatisfied. All this made the path of the con- 
spirators in Devon more difficult and thorny. Finally, 
they arranged a plan which gave them access to the 
General but diverted suspicion from themselves. 

Nicholas Monck had two daughters, one of whom, 
Mary, as we know, was living at this time with her 
uncle George at Dalkeith House, under the motherly 
care of Anne, the late sempstress.^ She was about to 
be married to one Arthur Fairwell. What could be 
more natural than that her father should journey from 
Devon to Scotland to escort his daughter home to her 
marriage ? Much affectionate discourse passed be- 
tween the brothers during this visit, but not a word 
could Nicholas give or receive about the King. Even 
Mrs. Monck, warned by recent events, turned a deaf 
ear to his pleadings. However, the chaplain, Dr. 
Price, listened to the Reverend Nicholas, but with 
great caution on both sides. Dr. Price conveyed the 
news — nothing less than a pressing message from the 
exiled Charles — to Mrs. Monck. What she managed 
to convey to the General is not reported. He main- 
tained his masterly and famous silence and refused, ' in 
the hearing of some,' to have deahngs with the exile. 

^ Price, Mystery and Method, p. 32. 

* The fact that Nicholas Monck allowed his young daughter to live 
in the General's household seems to afford additional evidence that the 
Monck family considered the marriage of George and Anne to be per- 
fectly regular. 


From the picture hi the National Portrait Gallery 


Behold now the flutter of feminine petticoats amid 
the serious councils of the King's adherents. Dr. 
Price reports : ' For her (Mrs. Monck's) custom was, 
when the General's and her own work of the day was 
ended, to come into the dining-room to him in her 
Treason Gown, as I call it, I telling him that when 
she had that gown on, he should allow her to say any- 
thing. And indeed, her tongue was her own then and 
she wouldn't spare it. 'Tis easy to conceive what 
her discourses were, when a woman had wit enough, 
always influence, and sometimes, as it was thought, 
too much upon her husband.' 

Meanwhile events were crowding fast in London. 
The puppet, Richard Cromwell, was set aside ; 
General Lambert was in possession. He tried by 
turns, force and flattery with Monck, who held the 
key to the situation. Unmoved by these appeals 
Monck dropped from his army all those upon whom 
he could not absolutely depend, and with this force of 
trained and devoted veterans he left Scotland, marched 
to Berwick, and set up his camp at Coldstream. 

Though a market town, Coldstream provided no 
refreshment. General Monck contented himself with 
chewing tobacco, while his young officers finally 
obtained dinner through the hospitality of a neighbour- 
ing lord. Gumble, who accompanied Monck, says : 

* The General's palace was a little smoky cottage 
that had two great dung-hills at the door, a hall or 
entry as dark and narrow as a man could not turn 
in it ; the rooms were worse than I can describe. He 
ate and lodged in the same. His bed was like a bird's 
nest into which he was forced to creep. But yet it 
had so much state as to have a canopy of boards over 
it : curtains and vallens were things never heard of 
in this place and glass windows were as precious as 
crystal at Edinburgh ! ' 

Mrs. Monck and the child Christopher accompanied 


the army to Berwick, but the austerities of this 
winter camp were too great for their endurance. 
The General gave immediate orders that his family 
should go hence by sea to London. Thus having 
cleared his mind of domestic worries he was free to 
give his entire attention to political events. By a 
series of forced marches through the deepest snow of 
his time he brought his men to London, to the sur- 
prise and consternation of those in authority there. 
Marching through Chancery Lane and down the 
Strand, he took up his quarters at WTiitehall Palace and 
emptied the town of other troops. Seemingly under 
the orders of Parliament, he proceeded to remove the 
barriers of the city. By a subtle diplomacy he made it 
appear to the citizens that he did this under protest, 
and so turned their wrath against the Parliament, and 
led them to consider General Monck their friend. 

Presently leaving Whitehall he took up his quarters 
in the city at the Three Tuns Tavern, near the Guild 
Hall. Next he removed to the Bullhead Inn, Cheap- 
side. The Glass House in Broad Street, Draper's Hall, 
and another large house, all served their turn, and 
made him more and more a famihar and powerful 
figure with the Royalist citizens. Back to Whitehall, 
he now held the city and the country in the hollow of 
his hand. Why should he not himself be Lord Pro- 
tector ? — and with more reason than ' Old Noll,' for he 
was an acknowledged descendant of the Plantagenet 
line, even if with the baton sinister. The greater 
part of the army under his command were devoted 
to his person. 'The rabble burnt Rumps to magnify 
General Monck, who was never more magnified by 
anything in his life, except it was when Sir Richard 
Willis and Colonel Doleman would have made a king 
of him. ... I say nothing but what the historians 
said before, as descended from a bastard son of 

i66o] KINGS' HOUSES 17 

Edward iv.' ^ The Royalists plucked up courage in 
this crisis of affairs, but were greeted by silence as 
profound as before from General George Monck. With 
Mrs. Monck and Christopher the General removed 
from Whitehall to St. James, to be more remote from the 
city and so also the less observed. He took on another 
chaplain or secretary, at his brother Nicholas's recom- 
mendation, one Mr. William Morris, who was given 
a room in a remote part of the Palace of St. James.^ 
Sir John Grenville, as became an affectionate cousin, 
called nightly at the palace together with many others 
who worshipped this rising star. But though he tried 
to outstay the latest comer and have a private word 
as to the * King over the water,' the General always 
managed to escape him. Price says : 

' The Parliament was now ready to sit down and the 
King's return was visible to the wise and discerning ; 
provided that the General had not his reserves to give 
a stop to it. For he still kept himself in a cloud. 
Wherefore, the prying and suspicious, of which sort 
were women, found out little devices to sound what 
were his intentions, by giving small gifts to his son, 
a child then between six and seven years of age, . . . 
who innocently told these busy inquirers that his 
father and mother, in bed, had talked of the King's 
coming home.' 

Parliament, alive to their opportunity, appealed to 
the General's baser side, and offered him Hampton 
Court Palace for a residence.^ This he refused, but 

^ Eachard, The History of England, vol. ii. p. 886 (London, 1707-18). 
* Skinner, Life, p. 287. 

' Bagford Ballads, Iter Boreale, by T. H., a person of quality, vol. iii. 
No. 16: 

' Quoth Vane and Scott ; we tell you what, 
We '11 have our plot and he shall not, 
We '11 carry the sway ; let 's vote him a thousand pounds a year, 

And Hampton Court for him and his heir. 
Quoth George, indeed you 're free ParUament men. 
To cut a thong out of another man's skin.' 


took twenty thousand pounds instead. About this 
time he acquired Newhall — whether by purchase or 
grant does not appear — and it became his favourite 
place of residence. 

The RoyaHsts appealed to his duty, and did not 
scruple to add offers of titles and riches as rewards 
of virtue, but Monck was still unmoved. Finally, 
Sir John Grenville, discouraged at the repeated 
rebuffs, consulted the new secretary, Mr. William 
Morris, who conveyed to the General the news that 
a letter from his royal master awaited his eyes. At 
last the silence was broken. A meeting was arranged 
at a late hour in the room of the secretary. Sir John 
Grenville attended the levee as usual, lingered about, 
and retired, apparently disheartened, as was his 
custom. He then took his way to the remote room 
of the obscure secretary and awaited the General. 
Up a secret staircase, built for lighter intrigue, came 
at last the bluff General, war-worn and old from 
fighting and exposure, with firm, closed mouth, silent 
as ever. But at the sight of Charles's letter he fell 
on his knees and read it with reverence.^ Sir John, 
to satisfy his curiosity as to this change of front, 
questioned the General, and was informed that George 
Monck would always receive the commands of his 
Sovereign ; that hitherto he had only been approached 
by agents. He promised his aid, and refused all 
promises of reward, preferring, he said, to rely upon 
the gratitude of his Sovereign when he should once 
more be at the head of his kingdom.^ 

At once there were great stirrings. Off went Sir 
John Grenville, Thomas Clarges, and others to 
Holland, where Charles Stuart was living privately 
to be ready at hand. And before many weeks the 
General journeyed down to Canterbury to receive 

* Skinnor, Life, p. 296. * See p. 342, note i. 


his royal master, and the King had come to his own 
again. ^ 

Little Christopher Monck all this time was living 
in royal palaces and playing about the gardens of 
Whitehall and of old St. James. Over his little head 
went the whisperings of mighty plans affecting the fate 
of the kingdom and the fortunes of its subjects. 
Being somewhat precocious, he must have heard and 
seen many things of which he had better have had 
no knowledge. His mother had tried to win the 
Parliament ladies with entertainments of a Puritan 
simplicity, but without avail. Doubtless these 
immaculate dames drew away their skirts from the 
neighbourhood of Mrs. Monck, not so long ago Anne 
Clarges, the sempstress. All these snubs had con- 
tributed their quota to the pressure brought to bear 
upon the General to bring back the King. 

Mrs. Monck was without false pride herself, for she 
shortly made a call upon her old neighbours in the 
Strand by St. Clement's Church, taking Christopher 
with her, and reminding them of their kindness in her 
days of adversity. These old friends she, moreover, 
invited to the Cock Pit, a royal abode which she and 
the General ever afterwards used as a town house, a 
loan from a grateful sovereign. 

George Monck, who was now known as His 
Excellency the Lord General, proved his wisdom in 
accepting no promises from his King, for honours 
were heaped upon him daily by the grateful and 
recklessly generous Charles. He was created Duke of 
Albemarle, Earl of Torrington, Viscount Coldstream, 
Baron Monck of Potheridge,^ Beauchamp, and Teyes. 

^ See portrait of General Monck in the possession of the Duke of 
Newcastle at Clumber House, showing the reception of the King at 
Canterbury as a background. 

^ He had succeeded to the ancestral estate on the death of his elder 


He was Gentleman of the Bedchamber, Knight of 
the Garter, Master of the Horse, Lord General of 
the Army, and Admiral of the Navy. 

General Monck's associates had not fared as well. 
Sir John Grenville was created Earl of Bath and 
appointed to be Groom of the Stole. A knighthood 
was conferred upon the late apothecary, Dr. Clarges. 
Dr. Nicholas Monck received his reward in ecclesi- 
astic preferment — the See of Hereford was his ; while 
Christopher Monck of the Parliament days was now 
called Lord Torrington. 


The story of the Monck family for the next ten years 
is almost wholly that of the Lord General, who was 
again occupied with the Dutch Wars, where he 
appeared with Prince Rupert under the title of 
Admiral. In 1665 he showed all his old-time bravery 
in facing the plague, together with the Archbishop 
of Canterbury and the Earl of Craven, when all the 
Court fled with the King from the stricken capital. 
The next year his conduct during the great London fire 
drew forth praise even from the reluctant Mr. Pepys. 
The Duchess, too, played her part at Court, where 
she was more successful with the Royalist ladies 
than she had been with the wives of the Parlia- 

In these public events small Christopher remained 
unnoticed, but an account-book for the year 1667 
gives some insight into the pursuits of a thirteen-year- 
old boy of the period.^ For the sterner matters of 
life Christopher's father gave orders and paid the 
bills. Dr. Price informs us that Lord Torrington's 
education was partly under his charge. The 
humanities and theology would be properly under 
his care. Perhaps, also, the Cavalier chaplain de- 
serves credit for that excellence in letter-writing, 

^ Pepys' disparaging allusions to her should be read with caution. 
Pepys was partisan, and his jealousy for the reputation of his patron, 
Lord Sandwich, caused him to undervalue the Duke of Albemarle. 

2 Manuscripts belonging to Colonel Charles Waring Darwin of 
Elston Hall : An account-book kept by Captain George Lascelles on 
behalf of George Monck, Duke of Albemarle. 

i^ 21 


not alone composition, but spelling and penmanship, 
for which Christopher was remarkable. The account- 
book records that the sum of two pounds ten shillings 
a month was duly paid to one Mr. Gunton for ' teach- 
ing my Lord Torrington ye mathemathicks.' In the 
pursuit of this science he was furnished with instru- 
ments costing one pound nine shillings and sixpence, 
books of varying value, and a surveying instrument 
at four pounds five shillings ; ' fower scales ' cost four 
shillings, and his pencils one shilling more. When 
the boy was bid to a ' crisning ' (christening) it was 
by order of my Lord Duke that one pound was fur- 
nished him for his expenses. 

To secure for her son the necessary training for 
a young gentleman of wealth and fortune was the 
care of the Duchess. By her orders * my Lord 
Torrington 's Dancinge Master ' was paid the munifi- 
cent sum of ten pounds. She also summoned the 
barber for * trimging ' (trimming) the young lord. 
Eight shillings was his fee. That Christopher was 
an active youth, forever running about, may be read 
between the lines, for the Duchess is called upon no 
less than three times between August and November 
to supply new ' shoes and stockins ' at four shiUings 
and sixpence for ' my Lord's Footboy.' His hat, 
at six shillings, wore better. Only the incidental 
expenses of Lord Torrington's own wardrobe are 
recorded, and these are all under orders from the 
Duchess. He and ' John Neuve ' ^ had silk stockings 
purchased for them at a charge of eighteen shillings 
and sixpence, while his cotton stocldngs cost four 
shillings a pair. Gloves and ' ribin ' for Christopher 
came to one pound and sixpence. Of * ribin ' he was 
extravagant, for two months later one pound sixteen 

^ Possibly a relative of John Le Neve of St. Giles-in-thc-Fields, Esq., 
married to Frances Monck, the General's sister. 

From an old engraving 


is spent for that necessity. Trimming for a ' shurte ' 
(shirt) costs three pounds. The Duchess luxuriates 
in lace. She and her son have charged against them 
in the same month eight pounds for this embellish- 
ment, while Christopher's * pointe bande ' (point-lace 
collar) cost five pounds, and another item of lace one 
pound twelve shillings. Even at this early age he 
carried a sword, for Mr. Ringrose charges nineteen 
shillings for mending it, and Mr. Best's bill for a 
girdle is one pound four shillings. 

Christopher was, from a modern point of view, 
barely out of the nursery, but in the Dutch War of 
1666 he held a commission to be captain in a regiment. 
This was the first step in his military career — a voca- 
tion which he strove to pursue throughout his life, 
and which proved ever an ignis fatuus to his hopes. 

Little boys of the Restoration grew fast and 
blossomed early. In January of the next year he was 
returned to Parliament for the ancestral county of 
Devon. A thirteen-year-old legislator seems, in any 
age, an incongruity, so that the Lord Chancellor 
Clarendon, tottering to his fall, must have beheld with 
astonishment the youthful Lord Torrington entering 
into debates of the House of Commons concerning 
the great minister's impeachment and speaking with 
the solemn assurance of a conceited boy. * Here was 
Monck's son Torrington and Monck's cousin Morris 
in the list of prosecutors of Clarendon, whose worst 
name for Monck was that of "The good Lord 
General." ' 1 

The young legislator was embarrassed by lack of 
money. George Monck and his wife had Puritan 
notions of simplicity, and strove to keep their growing 
boy within their power by curtailing his funds. His 

^ Oldmixon, The History of England during the Reigns of the Royal 
House of Stuart, p. 534. 


weekly allowance was ten shillings. After his four- 
teenth birthday this was doubled. All unknown to 
them, Sir Thomas Clarges supplied the boy with 
money and encouraged luxurious habits. The Duke 
and Duchess quite naturally had helped to the ad- 
vancement of Sir Thomas Clarges, and the King was 
only too willing to accede to their requests. The 
apothecary, greatly inflated by his sudden rise in 
the world, grew ungrateful and insolent, and ' made 
both Duke George and his Duchess fall out with 
him.' ^ So great was the quarrel that Sir Thomas 
was forbidden the house. His greatest cause of 
offence lay in his taking to himself too great a measure 
of credit for the restoration of the King. So great 
was the anger of the Duke at this assertion that he 
added a caning to his prohibition of visits. After 
this Sir Thomas redoubled his efforts to keep up his 
interest and power with the Duke's heir. But the 
Duke and Duchess were still unaware of this intrigue, 
although they cut off brother Thomas from their 
wills and their interest. The Duke grew more 
violent in temper as the years drew on. According 
to Pepys, he threatened to kill Sir W. Coventry ' after 
his showing his letter in the House' (of Commons); 
and the same gossip records how the mystery sur- 
rounding the Monck marriage had come to life in 
new scandals whispered about among his enemies. ^ 

' A certain lady , . . being certainly informed that 
some of the D of A's family did say that the E of T 
was a bastard, did think herself concerned to tell the 
Duke of Albemarle of it, and did first tell the Duchess, 
and was going to tell the old man, when the Duchess 
pulled her back by the sleeve, and hindered her, 
swearing to her that if he should hear it, he would 

» Welbeck MSS., Deposition of Frances, Duchess of Newcastle. 
* Pepys' Diary (Wheatley's edition), November 17, 1667. 


certainly kill the servant that should be found to 
have said it, and therefore prayed her to hold her 

The Duke was growing old. One last spark of his 
old spirit sent him to Chatham to drive the Dutch 
from the Thames. The illness from which he had 
formerly suffered returned with renewed violence. 
Late in the year 1668 his old distemper came upon 
him. He then retired to his house at Newhall, where 
he thought that good air and diet would restore him. 
But he grew so ill that he could not lie down or leave 
his room. * In the times of the General's extremity 
in sickness, my Lord Canterbury, His Grace, came 
down to Newhall and visited him with great kindness 
and did give him much good advice and afterwards 
sent him several sheets written full of Godly and 
Spiritual counsels to prepare him for his death and 
dissolution, with many meditations proper to such 
sad occasions, which he thoughtfully accepted.' How- 
ever, a temporary remedy was found for these ail- 
ments, and the General was not yet ready to make 
use of my Lord of Canterbury's ghostly counsels.^ 

In June 1669 arrived in England the young Grand 
Duke of Tuscany, Cosmo d'Medici iii. He was 
making the grand tour, as did all fashionable young 
men of those days. His secretary, Magalotti, came 
with him to take down his master's impressions and 
describe his entertainments.^ 

The young Grand Duke, having been royally feted 
by the Court in London, proceeded to visit the great 
houses of the kingdom. The first of these visits was 
paid to Newhall, at the invitation of the Duke of 
Albemarle and his son. Lord Torrington. 

^ Gumble, Life, p. 453. 

^ Magalotti, Travels of Cosmo III., Grand Duke of Tuscany, through 
England, translated from the Italian MSS. (London, 1821), pp. 466-71 


The Prince describes the Duke of Albemarle as 
being of middle size, of a stout and square make up ; 
of a complexion partly sanguine and partly phleg- 
matic, ' as indeed is generally the case with the 
English. His face is fair but somewhat wrinkled 
from age, he being upwards of sixty years old. His 
hair is gray and his features not particularly fine or 
noble.' Still further details of the Monck family 
come to us from this Italian gossip. 

* Monck is married to a lady of low origin, she having 
been formerly employed in a mercer's shop in the Ex- 
change, London . Falling in love with her, he overlooked 
every other advantageous connection that might have 
been more suitable to his rank, and made her his wife. 
Her former station shows itself in her manners and 
dress, being in no way remarkable for elegance or 
gentility. Her son, however, which she has born to 
the General, makes up for his mother's deficiency.' 

The visit of the Grand Duke could hardly have 
failed to awaken in Lord Torrington a desire to see 
something more of the world. Yet he never took the 
grand tour. It was the only pursuit of a gentleman 
of fashion which he neglected, influenced doubtless 
by the reluctance of his parents to part with him at a 
moment when his father's health was in so precarious 
a state. The omission was unfortunate, and the lack 
of such an experience is perhaps accountable for a 
kind of splendid provincialism which marked moments 
of his later years. However, the thought of a con- 
tinental tour must have soon been forgotten in plans, 
even more nearly affecting his future, which now filled 
the minds of both parents. 

If the General had contracted a lowly marriage for 
himself he was determined that his son should not 
follow his example. In those days of his occupancy 
of Dalkeith House, when he had so much enjoyed the 


conversation of the Scottish nobiHty, he had formed 
a friendship with Margaret, Countess of Buccleuch. 
This lady was now the wife of Lord Wemyss. The 
Duchess of Albemarle had conducted some corre- 
spondence with her, and, bethinking themselves of 
her daughter, the Lady Anne Scott, ■■• now some 
eighteen years old, and Countess of Buccleuch in her 
own right, the Moncks beheld in her a suitable wife 
for their idolised son. True she was three years his 
senior, but she was a great heiress, and they had long 
determined that Christopher should marry only into 
the ranks of the old nobility. But Lady Wemyss 
was as ambitious as were the Moncks themselves, 
and after taking note of all possible suitors for her 
daughter's hand she refused Christopher, and fixed 
her final choice upon James, Duke of Monmouth.^ 
So the Moncks were forced to look elsewhere for 
that daughter of ' some honourable and loyal 
family that might both counsel and support their 
son.' ^ 

At this moment the General took counsel with his 
old friend, William Pierrepont,* ' the wise William ' 
who was also beloved of Oliver Cromwell. This 
gentleman, while throwing in his fortune with the 
Parliamentarians, had exercised his wisdom in marry- 
ing his daughter Frances to Lord Ogle, son of that 
loyal Duke of Newcastle ^ who had made such great 
sacrifices in the cause of Charles i. The Newcastle 
estates were broad, and the eldest daughter of the 
Duke's heir might expect a generous dowry. The 
two old friends determined to make a match between 
the son of one and the granddaughter of the other. 

^ Graham, A Group of Scottish Women, p. 115. 

2 Son of Charles 11. and Lucy Waters. 

3 Gumble, Life, p. 456. * Welbeck MSS. 

* Wilham Cavendish, first Duke of Newcastle, 1595-1676 ; see 
Inquisitiones post Mortem, Welbeck MSS. 


Elizabeth Cavendish, ' my pretty Betty,' ^ as her wise 
grandfather called her in his letters, was born on 
February 22, 1654, and was now but fifteen years 
of age. The prospective bridegroom was just past 
sixteen. The Duke of Newcastle was consulted, and 
his famous Duchess, Margaret Lucas. Many dis- 
cussions and arrangements were entered into. The 
Duke of Albemarle settled a large income on his heir 
and made ample provision for the bride. ^ Lord Ogle, 
on his side, gave his daughter a dowry of twenty 
thousand pounds, secured by the Manor of Grindon. 
All this time neither Lady Ogle nor the bride had 
seen the bridegroom. On December i the ladies 
came up from Welbeck Abbey to London, where the 
old Duke lay dying. 

' For, as to his own concernments, he had brought 
them into a narrow room, having now but one 
mortal care upon him, which was the marriage of 
his only son, being then about sixteen . . . years 
of age — whom he was likely to leave young. So 
that His Grace was very desirous to live so long 
as to provide a match for him in some ancient 
and loyal family, which were the principal qualifica- 
tions he aimed at. To that end, some weeks before 
his death, he entered into a treaty with the Duke of 
Newcastle, with whom he contracted a match for his 
son with the Lady Elizabeth, a fair and virtuous lady. 
By which alliance he united the ancient house of 
Newcastle and Dorchester, Cavendish and Picrrepont 
with his own ducal coronet.' ^ 

The Lady Elizabeth had spent the years of her short 
life quietly enough with her ])arents at Glentworth, 
with, perhaps, occasional visits to her grandfather's 

^ Welbeck MSS., Letters of the Hon. William Pierrepont to Lord 

* Marriage settlement at Welbeck ; one of George Monck's last 

* Skinner, Life, p. 411. 


seats, Welbeck Abbey, Bolsover and Nottingham 
Castles, and to her old Puritan grandfather at 
Thoresby. Her face, in her portrait,^ shows us a 
curious haunting kind of beauty — sleepy, slanting eyes 
and a tiny mouth, the whole surrounded with pretty 
chestnut curls. This inexperienced child was brought, 
without volition of her own, into the presence of the 
old dying General. If she had ever dreamed of bridal 
gaieties she was doomed to disappointment. For 
on December 30, 1669, the marriage was solemnised 
in haste in the Duke's chamber, ' where with that 
little strength he had, he delivered the bride from 
his own hand into the arms of his son. When the 
ceremony was ended, he seem'd very much pleased 
that he had lived to see the accomplishment of it, 
being the last of his human cares.' ^ 

In all the descriptions which have come to us of 
this scene, all the attention is centred on this old 
dying Duke. Not a word of the bride, not a thought 
for the bridegroom. The bride's mother was there, 
she tells us,^ but no one else has recorded her presence. 
As for the Duchess of Albemarle, she too lay dying in 
a neighbouring chamber. 

As all of Christopher's days were overshadowed 
by the greater glory of his father, as all his actions 
were dimmed by his father's exploits, so his wedding 
day was clouded by his father's death. 

Dr. Skinner continues : 

' And now the extreme difficulty of breathing 
which had all along been the most uneasy part of 
his sickness, increased so violently upon him that 
he could not lie down in his bed but entertained 
himself only with some short sleeps in his chair, in 
which posture he died, four days after the marriage 
of his son, January 3, it being about nine in the 

1 By Sir Peter Lely at Welbeck Abbey. ^ Skinner, Life, p. 412. 

3 Welbeck MSS. 


morning. And, as he lived in silence, so he died 
without noise ; one easy and single groan did the 
work of death upon the stoutest and most vaHant 
hero of the age he lived in.' 

He left behind him a reputation for extreme loyalty, 
never regarding any concerns but the King's pleasure. 
' For it was his resolution to bind up all his interests 
in the King's commands, which he so absolutely 
obeyed that no temptation could lower him to a 
neutrality, or any indifferency, and he taught his 
son to sing after the same tune, which was a service 
many omitted that were much obliged.' ^ 

The sad news being conveyed to King Charles 
together with the insignia of the Order of the Garter, 
His Majesty paused for a moment in his pleasures and 
gave voice to a real expression of appreciation for this 
man who had done so much for him. At the earnest 
wish of John, Earl of Bath, to whom the vacancy had 
been promised, the King immediately commanded the 
Garter to be carried back to Christopher, the new 
Duke of Albemarle, together with an intimation that 
he should forthwith succeed to his father's place of 
Gentleman of the Bedchamber and should be Lord- 
Lieutenant of Devon. ' And, as a last act of His 
Majesty's gratitude to the deceased. His Majesty 
would himself take care of the funeral.' ^ This great 
honour proved of doubtful value. The General's 
body was in truth conveyed to Somerset House, where 
it lay in state, guarded by his old soldiers, but could 
not be viewed by the sorrowing multitude because 
the King had neglected to provide sufficient black 
velvet to hang the walls of the state rooms. ^ In 
fact, the poor body lay neglected for weeks and 
months, forgotten by the King and Court alike, and 

' Gumblc, Life, p. 451. * Gazette, January G, 1GG9, 1G70. 

* Hist. MSS. Com., /4th Report, Kcnyon MSS., p. 84. 


it was only after much pressure had been brought to 
bear at Court that time could be found for the great 
state funeral the King had promised. While awaiting 
that day other sorrows were coming thick and fast 
upon Christopher and his little bride. 

The Duchess Anne had long been failing in health, 
and the loss of her husband seemed to hasten the end. 
So said her friends. But her enemies, and of these 
she and the Duke had not a few, whispered that 
* old Anne's first husband, Radford, had been seen 
once more about the back stairs of the Cock Pit.' 
Nothing of this scandalous story is told by Frances, 
Lady Ogle,^ who reports the events of the next two 
weeks. * The old Duchess seemed to be much in the 
hands of her gentlewomen.' They had her keys and 
the custody of her wonderful jewels. Beside her bed 
stood a great tortoise-shell cabinet, wherein all the 
household knew that the jewels were kept. 

Christopher, knowing that his mother's life was 
drawing to a close, was not so overcome by the loss 
of his father as to forget his mother's jewels, and some 
two days after the General's death his mother-in-law 
discovered him and his wife evidently in close dis- 
cussion over the matter. Lady Ogle was nothing if 
not resourceful, and the matter being put in her 
hands by the new Duke, she ascended to the bedroom 
of the dying Duchess with the avowed intention of 
bringing back the keys of the jewel cabinet. She 
was unable to make her request to the Duchess, and 
only sent a message by a gentlewoman, Mrs. Lassels, 
who returned answer that the Duchess would give 
them to her son, whom she intended to have them, 
and nobody else. Then the Duke tried his hand. 
No one knows what took place at the interview, but 

* Welbeck MSS., Frances, Lady Ogle, afterwards Duchess of 


when he returned the keys of the jewel cabinet were 
in his hand. About a fortnight later the old Duchess 
died. She left no will, but all her possessions were 
taken over by her son. Visiting the young Duke and 
his wife the next morning, Lady Ogle reports, 

' I came to them and found them in their chamber, 
beyond a very great room that was divided by mourn- 
ing furniture, and found the same tortoise-shell cabinet, 
the same I saw in ye Duchess's chamber that had ye 
jewels in it. And there they were. And I do believe 
I saw them taken out of that cabinet for us to look at 
and put in again, . . . the young Duke had the keys 
about a fortnight before his mother died, but not the 
possession of them, that I know on, till ye morning 
after she was dead.' 

Thus while the late Duke lay unburied at Somerset 
House, awaiting the state funeral promised by the 
King, the old Duchess lay dead in her chamber at 
the Cock Pit, awaiting the convenience of her son. 

In the meantime a Chapter of the Most Noble 
Order of the Garter was held at Whitehall, February 4, 
1669-70. His Majesty presided. The Duke of York, 
the Earl of Oxford, the Duke of Ormonde, the 
Earl of Sandwich, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl 
of Manchester, and the Duke of Monmouth were 

' His Grace, Christopher, Duke of Albemarle, was, 
by the general consent and suffrage of the Com- 
panions, elected and chosen unto the said Most Noble 
Order. Then he, being sent for by Garter, was met 
at the door by the Earl of Manchester and the Duke 
of Monmouth, who conducted him to the Sovereign 
where, kneeling down, the Sovereign put about his 
neck the George and Ribbon. After the Duke of 
York and Ormonde bu(-kled the Garter about his left 
leg, then he kissed His Majesty's hand, saluted the 
Companions and withdrew.' * Lastly the Sovereign 



declares in regard the Feast of St. George had not 
been kept these three years past, that the King of 
Sweden and the Prince Elector of Saxony had had the 
order sent to them the last year and ought to be in- 
stalled by their proxies, as also the Duke of Albemarle 
now elected ; that therefore, he would keep the Feast 
at Windsor upon St. George's Day next ensuing.' ^ 

These exciting events served to mitigate the grief 
of the young Duke, still less than seventeen years of 
age, and we find two days later the King is called 
upon to decide whether or not the young Duke of 
Albemarle is to be permitted * to wear the Garter with 
the Glory upon his upper garment' before his instal- 
lation. ^ The King, finding that this had been the 
habit only in the ' interruption of the Order by the 
late unhappy times, and considering it would be but 
two months before the Duke would be installed, His 
Majesty was unwilling to dispense therewith, which 
Garter informed the Duke of, and they made this 
entry to the end that others that shall pretend there- 
unto hereafter may not expect greater indulgence than 
was afforded this Duke, for whom His Majesty hath 
extraordinary favour and esteem.' 

Further interest was furnished by an order on His 
Majesty's great wardrobe of the following supplies 
for the installation of the Duke of Albemarle : — 

* An embroydered panel upon satten and cloath of 
gold according to his colours. A fringe of blew silk 
and gold for same. 

' 2 yards of fustian for the sacquet of the banner. 

* A Crest carved in Gilt. 
' A Staff for the Banner. 

' 2 yards and a half of Cloath of Gold for the Mantle. 
' 2 yards of cloath of Silver to line the Mantle. 
' 2 large tassels of blew silk and gold. 

1 Bodleian Library, Ashmolean MSS. 1112, fo. 169. 

2 Ibid., fo. 172. 


' 2 knopps gilt with gold ; an Helmet of State gilt. 
*A sword with a Crosse Hilt gilt. 
' A Plate of his Arms and Stile. 

* 3 Escocheons of his Arms painted on Paper in 
metall and his stile underneath. 

* I yard and one half Crimson velvet for a cushion. 
I ell of Rich Taffeta to line the same. Silk and 
gold tassells and 4 yards of uncut fringe for the 

* I robe of Blew velvet conteyning 10 yards, having 
a Garter of blew velvet (About an escocheon of St. 
George's crosse) embroydered with Letters and 
Purses of Venice Gold and Pearls, to be set upon 
the left shoulder of the said upper robes with long 
strings and tassels of blew silk and gold. 

'Also a Kirtle or Surcoat of Crimson velvet con- 
teyning 10 yards and a hood of the same with a 
large Tippett. 

* 16 yards of White Taffeta or Ducase Sarsnot to 
line the Mantle, Surcoat and Hood. 

*A cushion of purple velvet with buttons, Fringe 
and Tassells of Silk and Gold. 

*A cap of Black Velvet. 

' Fine Holland sheets of three breadths to fold the 
said Robes in. 

'A Trunck to carry them in.' 

Out of the Jewel-House 

' A great Collar of the Order, of Gold and weigh- 
ing 30 ounces with a Rich George to be fastened 

' Another George, garnished or plain, as His Majesty 

* A Garter of blew velvet with Buckles of Gold and 
Lres (letters) of gold, garnished with Pearls or stones, 
if His Majesty Please. 

* Cases to put the Collar and Garter in. 

' A book of Statutes covered with Crimson Velvet 
and the Sovereign's Arms painted thereon.' 

Meantime the body of the old Duchess of Albe- 
marle had been carried to the Star Chamber at 


Westminster, and her funeral was on the night of 
the last day of February in the Abbey, in Henry the 
Seventh's Chapel. * And many great Lords of the 
Court were at it.' ^ 

The new Duchess was not without her finery. 
This is a description of her mourning gown : * The 
goune, a plain black sattin with a peake and a pare 
of sad coloured glufs and a twisted roll for her head, 
lased with blake satten and one lase with a wealt 
abote the hem and a pare of sleeves to it,' which, 
it is remarked, ' is the fashion for mourning this 
summer.' ' The gentill-man ' who made this remark- 
able gown * deed worke to the young Duchis of 
Albemarle and tow other Duchis and he is a very 
fashionable taylor.' ^ 

On May 2, at two in the afternoon, the long- 
deferred funeral of the late Lord General took place. 
The fashionable world had all but forgotten him in the 
four months since his death, and his royal master was 
obliged to send privately to the great men of his 
Court to remind them that it was his pleasure that 
they should attend this funeral in proper state. 
Sandford has left a wonderful book illustrating the 
funeral procession from Somerset House to West- 
minster Abbey. These illustrations were used in a 
later day as a model for the funeral of Lord Chatham, 
and they have always served as an index to the 
costumes of the period. 

The procession was of regal splendour.^ The seven 
banners illustrating the late Duke's titles, the mourn- 
ing horses in their trappings, the faithful Coldstream 
Guards, led by the Earl of Craven, all were there.* 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 14th Report, Kenyon MSS., p. 84. 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., 5th Report, p. 398. » Gazette, No. 465. 

* Welbeck MSS., The proceeding to the funeral of George Monck, 
late Duke of Albemarle, from Somersett House to Westminster Abbey 
on Saturday, April the 30th, 1670. 



His servants and his friends, his ' Doctors of Phisicke, 
and the Chaplaynes to the defunct,' as well. The 
forty officers who had kept watch all those months at 
Somerset House, the Clerks of the Council, the Clerks 
of the Parliament, the Masters of Chancery, and 
Knights of the Bath ; Dukes, Earls, and Barons, with 
their great trains of attendants, in their proper order. 
Then, lying on his great funeral car, rode the efhgy ^ 
of * His Grace, the defunct,' clad in his armour, with 
his baton in his hand. Six bishops walked before 
him, and behind came the chief mourner, Christopher, 
supported on the right by the Duke of Ormonde and 
on the left by the Duke of Richmond, followed by a 
train-bearer. Behind him came the Lord Chamber- 
lain, and the Earls of Bridgewater, Peterborough, 
Sandwich, Carlisle, Suffolk, Mulgrave, St. Albans, 
Bath, and Arlington. Last of all, Bernard Grenville 
led the dead Duke's horse, assisted by his own old 
grooms, and the cortege ended with the Queen's 
troop, commanded by Sir Philip Howard. One man 
walked unheeded in this procession of brilliant folk, 
Ensign Churchill.^ He alone, of all that gallant 
company, proved himself great enough to inherit the 
General's mantle. 

Dr. Seth Ward, Bishop of Salisbury, preached the 
funeral sermon. It was entitled: 'The Christian's 
Victory over Death,' and while eulogising the old 
Duke he spoke a good word for the new one. 

* He was the best father in the world, and God was 
pleased to bless him with a son of eminent abilities 
of body and mind, fitted for the support of his 
honour and the continuance of his name and family. 
He lived to see him entered into the service of his 
country. As Hanno entered Hannibal against the 
Romans, so he entered him in the lo^al anti-fanatical 

• The body was conveyed privately, by water, to the abbey. 
^ John Churcliill, later the great Duke of Marlborough. 





House of Commons. He lived to see him disposed of 
in a very honourable marriage, seasoned by himself in 
the principles of virtue and religion, honour and deep 
loyalty, disposed to follow him in the ways of honour 
which himself had traced, and in God's due time to 
become a support and ornament of his country.' 



' Give to your boy, your Cassar, 
This rattle of a globe to play withal' 

Dryden, All for Love 


The death of the Lord General marked the passing 
of old influences. Some three weeks after the great 
state funeral, King Charles, under the influence of his 
beautiful sister Henrietta, Duchess of Orleans, secretly 
signed the Treaty of Dover, by which he became the 
ally and pensioner of Louis xiv. The remainder of 
his reign, in consequence, was marked by French 
influence, intrigue, and gold. The Grand Monarque 
thoroughly understood the character of his cousin 
of England, and paved the way for the future accord- 
ingly. In the train of the Duchess of Orleans came the 
beautiful Louise de Keroualle — Madam Carwall, the 
English people called her. She at once attracted the 
attention of King Charles, as she had been schooled 
to do, and for the next fifteen years envoys and states- 
men found it to their interest to win this beautiful 
lady's ear, if they would have a successful hearing 
from the King of England. She, true to her native 
France, threw her influence strongly on the side of 
the aggrandisement of King Louis. Lovely as she 
appears in her portraits, hers was not the style of 
beauty to please a savant, for when Evelyn first saw 
her he recorded : * I now also saw that famous beauty, 
but in my opinion of a childish, simple and baby face, 
Mademoiselle Keroualle, lately Maid of Honour to 
Madam, and now to be so to the Queen.' ^ As a 
consequence of foreign influence new intrigues and 
political coalitions already were forming at Whitehall 
when the day appointed for the Feast of St. George 

1 Evelyn, Diary, November 4, 1670. 

42 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

and the installation of the Knights of the Garter 
drew near. 

In response to his summons the new Duke of 
Albemarle, filled with youthful eagerness, betook 
himself, with all the Court, to Windsor Castle. 
Prince Rupert, Constable of the Royal Castle, had 
made some feeble effort to restore its ancient 
splendours ; but it still all too plainly showed the 
marks of Parliamentarian spoilers, and the effect of 
the state apartments was * exceedingly ragged and 
ruinous.' Many were the consultations on precedent 
and procedure one Sunday in the King's bedchamber, 
for there had not been an installation for five years, 
and many matters had been overlooked and for- 
gotten. Elias Ashmole, Windsor Herald, relates in 
quaint, antique language the story of May 28 and 29, 

' On a Sunday morning, the 28th of May, the eve 
of the feast, all of the Order proceeded to the Chapel 
of St. George, where, after the installation of the 
Kings of Sweden and Saxony by proxy, the Duke of 
Albemarle was called, who was met at the door by 
the Earls of Sandwich and Oxford and conducted to 
the Sovereign, where the Duke kneeled down and 
kissed His Majesty's hand and returned to the lower 
end, where, on a velvet cushion, the whole habit of 
the Order was placed. And then the two Knights 
who introduced him, put on his kirtle or surcoat, girt 
his sword about him, and left him there. Then the 
Sovereign proceeded into the choir, all having made 
their reverence and taken their stalls and places.' 
After the Kings of Saxony and Sweden had been 
summoned, ' lastly Garter summoned the Earls of 
Sandwich and Oxford to descend, who . . . entered 
the Chapter House and thence at once they con- 
ducted the Duke of Albemarle, invested in his sur- 
coat and his sword girt about him and carrying his 

' Bodleian Librar}', Ashmolean MSS. 11 12, fo. 184 b. 


cap in his hand, and having made the accustomed 
reverences, the oath was given him in the seat 
below his stall by the register, Garter holding the book. 
Then he was conducted into his stall. And Garter 
first delivered the two knights the mantle w'^^ they 
invested the Duke with. Then Garter delivered them 
the hood, wh they layd on his right shoulder. . . and 
fastened on his girdle. Then Garter delivered them 
the great collar of the Order, w^^ they put about his 
neck, fastening it with ribbons on his mantle. Mean- 
time the book of statutes was delivered unto him and 
then the knights set the Duke down in his stall, em- 
braced him, made him their reverence, then descended, 
did the like, took their stalls and so the services began.' 
'Services being ended, they proceeded (out), two 
by two, youngest knight first, ... by the Chapter 
House, out by the Cloyster door and so into the 
Presence Chamber (of the castle) and the two 
proxies delivered the mantles to Garter who sent 
them down to the Chapter House and so all retired 
until supper was set on the table. Then the Sovereign 
and knights, but not their proxies, with the officers 
of arms before the knights and officers of the Order 
before the Sovereign, proceeded to St. George's Hall. 
. . . The youngest knight entered and stood against 
his table and so everyone of them, according to their 
seniority, advanced and stood against his table, hold- 
ing their caps in their hands. Then the Sovereign, 
with the officers of the Order before him, passed by 
them, ascended to the haut place and having washed, 
sat down, grace being said by the prelate. Then the 
eldest knight was conducted to his table by two 
officers of arms and so everyone of them according 
to their seniority, the youngest last. Then water was 
brought in to them by gentlemen pensioners and grace 
being said by every table by a prebend, they sat down 
and put on their caps. At this time there were leaven 
messes for nine knights, viz. : His Royal Highness, 
The Duke of York ; Prince Rupert ; The Duke of 
Ormonde ; The Duke of Buckingham ; The Earl of 
Sandwich, without companions and so ate single. 
The Earl of Oxford ; The Duke of Monmouth ; The 

44 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

Duke of Richmond and the Duke of Albemarle with 
companions. Every table was six feet long and four 
feet broad and two feet left between every table for 
the knight to enter at the lower end. This for two 
reasons. First, not to have their backs to the 
Sovereign and because the youngest knight would 
take his seat first. Then the Prelate and Chancellor, 
with the Register, Garter and Usher, went to supper. 
And so did the officers of arms, but did not return 
again to the presence before the knights, only the 
gentleman usher at the black rod preceded the 
Sovereign after supper to the Presence Chamber.' ^ 

Ashmole was a mine of learning in regard to ancient 
usage, and even in this formal report betrays the 
suffering with which he beheld the King and other 
of the knights wearing their hoods upon the wrong 
shoulder. ' The next day being St. George's Day,^ 
before the proceeding began, the Sovereign directed, 
according to ancient practice and a particular order 
in the reign of King James, that every knight should 
wear his hood on his right shoulder, the pendant 
thrown [sic] over thwart to be fastened to his girdle ; 
for the day before, (notwithstanding Garter's humble 
representations) both the Sovereign, by persuasion of 
the Duke of Richmond and some other knights, wore 
it on the left shoulder. But the Duke of York wore 
it on the right shoulder.' The old herald proceeds 
naively to record how it rained, and spoiled the effect 
of the procession to the west door. But the capricious 
sun being once more in evidence, the return to the 
castle was made under a fair sky to the sound of 
trumpets and drums. 

' The proceeding was as on the day before, only 
at the stairs' foot, the sovereign was received under 

* Bodleian Library, Ashmolean MSS. 1112, fo. 184 b. 

* According to the Church Calendar, St. George's Day should be 
April 23. 


a canopy carried by twelve gentlemen of the privy 
chamber and that the entry (into St. George's Chapel) 
was in at the West door and so up the nave to the 
chappel into the choir. But at the Procession, it 
having gone down out again at the West door, it 
began to rain, so the sovereign revoked the choir, poor 
knights and so forth, who were gone out. They pro- 
ceeded up the south aisle, so round about the choir 
down the north aisle, down to the west door and so 
up the nave into the choir.' The ceremonial being 
over, ' the sovereign directed, it being fair weather, 
that the proceeding should be out of the West door, 
where the trumpets began to sound and so up to the 
castle, where, at the stair foot, the drums did beat 
and the sovereign ascending, the canopy was carried 
no further.' 

The dinner of the Feast of St. George was even 
more elaborate than that of the day before, and an 
important ceremony was performed which, in spite 
of Ashmole's careful instructions in the King's bed- 
chamber, the Sovereign had overlooked the preceding 

* The seating was as on the eve, but between the 
first and second courses, the sovereign called for a 
great gilt boule of wine and all the people being put 
off from the knights' table, he drank to them and they 
all stood up, holding their caps in their hands and 
presently, after each of them having a glass of wine, 
stood up making a reverence to the sovereign, they 
all at once pledged him. (This ceremony is to be 
practiced every supper and dinner, but was forgot 
on the eve.) At the coming of the second course. 
Garter cried largess three times, then proclaimed 
the sovereign in three languages and Black Rod put 
ten pounds in gold in Garter's hat.' (Apparently he 
received at this time twenty-eight pounds in largess.) 
' Then Garter went before Albemarle and cried his 
titles and so forth.' ^ 

^ The manners of the day were strangely rough and uncouth. In 
the quotation above Ashraole mentions the crowding of the spectators 

46 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

Here is a picture of wonderful colour : the blue of 
velvet robes against the grey stone of the mediaeval 
castle at Windsor, the jewels gleaming in the candle 
light ; all the state and poetry of the bygone age of 
chivalry. It is an episode, a high moment in an age 
little given to pause. It makes a golden entrance 
into Christopher Monck's new life. 

George Monck, Duke of Albemarle, had been richly 
rewarded for his eminent services with immense grants 
of Crown lands, and as he was notorious both for 
his covetousness and for his parsimony, he left fifteen 
thousand pounds a year in income and sixty thousand 
pounds in money. If this yielded seven per cent., 
the young Duke of Albemarle was third in the list 
of rich subjects in the kingdom ^ ; for the Duke of 
Ormonde is reckoned to have had twenty-two thou- 
sand pounds a year, and the Duke of Buckingham, 
before his extravagance wrecked his fortune, nineteen 
thousand six hundred pounds a year. ^ The estates from 
which Albemarle's income was derived were situated in 
no less than twelve counties. Chief among them was 
the royal park of Theobald's, and what remained of 
the palace, James i.'s favourite residence. In Essex, 
in addition to beautiful Newhall with its park and 
forest, was Old Boreham Hall, Steeple Hall, Cuton 
Hall, Ridley Hall, and the farms of Bodnorths and 

about the tables. Evelyn in his diary records of the feast given at 
Whitehall, March 23, 1667, at which he was a spectator, ' when was the 
banqueting stuff flung about the room profusely. In truth the crowds 
was so great ... I now stayed no longer than this sport began for fear 
of disorder.' 

^ Macaulay, History of England, vol. i. p. 231 and note. 

* In those days the Archbishop of Canterbury received but live 
thousand pounds a year. The average income of a temporal peer was 
three thousand pounds, of a baronet nine hundred pounds, of a member 
of Parliament less than eight hundred. But when we take into account 
that the value of a pound in those days was at least five times what it is 
to-day, these figures do not appear unduly small. 


Shorts. The Manor of Grindon, In Staffordshire, had 
come into the family as a part of the dower of Eliza- 
beth Cavendish. In Lancashire was held the Honour 
of Clltheroe, and the selection of the representative 
of this estate for Parliament caused Christopher to 
wage bitter quarrels. The Lordships of Furneys 
and Hawkeshoase [sic], the Manors of Staldbourne, 
Newly, Dalby, and Broughton, were also In Lancashire. 
A single manor In Lincolnshire — Norton Disney — Is 
among these possessions, and but two are found In 
Yorkshire, New Park and the Manor of Sutton-on- 
Derwent. In Surrey there were lands In the Parish 
of Rodlsse [sic]. The ancestral Devon furnished, In 
addition to Potherldge, the Manors of Ranton and 
Rewton. In Hertford and Middlesex were held the 
Parishes of Cheshunt, Waltham Cross, North Hall, 
and Enfield. In Berkshire, Moote Park, near Wind- 
sor, afterwards purchased by the King and added 
to Windsor Park; MIdgeham Hall and its Tide Mills 
and the Manor of Clewer. Flournoy [sic] Park, near 
Southampton, ends the list of English lands. In 
addition, Christopher and his father held broad 
acres in Ireland and vast grants In the Carolinas 
and the West Indies. 

The new Duke of Albemarle was now seventeen 
years old, married, and master of this huge fortune. 
The prudent habits of his parents had left him with- 
out experience in the use of money and with an inor- 
dinate desire for the luxuries he had seen about him 
but never enjoyed. The first ten years of Charles 11. 's 
reign had developed In his Court a late autumnal 
blossom of the Renaissance — a flower rich and allur- 
ing but fraught with all the repulsive attributes of a 
plant fed by a noisome swamp. The great men of the 
Court set an example eagerly followed by the youth- 
ful nobleman. To him the Duke of Buckingham, as 

48 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

the King's favourite, was one to envy and emulate. 
Rochester, Cornbur}\ and Henry Sidney were brilHant, 
dazzHng luminaries. All the gallants of Gramont's 
memoirs had daily taken their way before his boyish 
eyes, and now suddenly become his own master the 
path he chose to tread was wide and steep. James, 
Duke of Monmouth, only four years the senior of the 
Duke of Albemarle, claimed the leadership in revels 
too profligate to relate. He had just been accused, 
quite falsely later historians prove, of causing the 
death of the beautiful Duchess of Orleans, at the 
hands of a jealous husband, and consequently his 
social star was greatly in the ascendant. In this group 
together with the new Duke of Albemarle were found 
the Duke of Somerset and a train of lesser lords. 
These young men quickly exhausted the pleasures of 
the Court, tired perhaps of the beauties who had so 
long reigned supreme. If the King took his pleasure 
with an orange girl, they would plunge even lower, 
into the very dregs of the slum of Whetstone Park. 
Of one escapade in this neighbourhood John Pennecke 
writes to his friend John Rogers from London in the 
latter part of February i6^ : 

' Public money never scarcer and so I think 
private also, though the vanities of this place are 
as much as ever. Everybody in coach and cloak 
endeavouring to surpass one the other and the 
actions of both sexes I think never worse. There 
was a grand ball to be at Whitehall last night, 
but it was suspended, on what score I know not. 
Saturday last at night, was killed a beadle, the 
constable's assistant, for attempting a house in or 
near Whetstone Park, a scandalous place, where was 
the Duke of Monmouth, the Duke of Albemarle, 
the Duke of Somerset, with others, at a very un- 
seasonable time.' ^ 

^ History MSS. Com., ^th Report, Rogers MSS., p. 405. 


Mr. Pennecke, had he known it, himself reported 
the cause of the postponement of the great Whitehall 
ball. Widespread was the scandal over the killing of 
this beadle. Unseasonable is but a mild word to de- 
scribe the errand of these three dukes and their friends. 
Among the occasional verses of this time is one describ- 
ing the event. ^ After relating the story of the night's 
revel with great frankness and particularity, the writer 
leads up to the dramatic moment when the young men's 
evil deeds in Whetstone Park arouse the watch. 

* In came the Watch, disturbed with sleep and ale, 
By shrill noises, but they could not prevail. 
T'appease their Graces straight rose mortal jars 
Betwixt the night blackguard and silver stars, 
Then fell the Beadle by a ducal hand . . . 
The way in blood certain renoun to win 
Is first with bloody noses to begin.' 

Sobered by the death of the beadle, and pursued 
by the infuriated populace, the alarmed youths hurried 
back to Whitehall. 

' They need not send a messenger before 
They 're too well known to stand long at the door. 
See what mishaps dare e'en invade Whitehall 
This silly fellow's death puts off the ball 
And disappoints the queen, . . . 
The fiddlers, voices, entrees, all the sport 
And the gay show put off where the brisk court 
Anticipates in rich subsidy coats, 
All that is got by mercenary votes, 
Yet shall Whitehall, the innocent, the good, 
See these men dance all daubed with lace and blood ? ' 

The poet then ironically suggests suitable punish- 
ment : 

' Near t'other Park there stands an aged tree 
As fit as if 'twere made o'th'nonce for three, 
Where that no ceremony may be lost, 
Each Duke for state may have a several post' 

^ State Poems before itgj. 

50 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

Great was the consternation in Court circles. 
Monmouth was the darling of the Kng, his father, 
and Albemarle was the King's particular favourite. 
The common people cried out for punishment. All 
was confusion and excitement. Finally the King 
pardoned the entire party. 

Albemarle's hand must have committed the actual 
deed, for his pardon bears the earliest date and, to 
make assurance doubly sure, protects him from the 
consequences of all assaults, woundings, crimes, mis- 
demeanours, trespasses, and forfeitures whatsoever 
committed by him alone or with any other person 
from February 28 to March 14, whether the assaulted 
or wounded person shall die or not.^ The Duke of 
Monmouth, Robert Constable, Peter Savage, John 
Fenwick, and Edward Griffen, Esq., were all pro- 
vided with like suitable parchments. The Duke of 
Somerset appears not to have been so deeply impli- 
cated as the others, for his pardon is not recorded. 

Seldom is a black sheep without his spot of white, 
and Albemarle had a goodly share of snowy covering. 
Yet it is hard to identify the leader of so dissolute a 
prank with a high-minded youth attending quietly 
to his own affairs and to the needs of his less fortunate 
relatives. During these months of lawless pleasure, 
for the Whetstone Park adventure is only one of 
many hinted at in letters of the day, he was greatly 
interested in assisting his cousin, Elizabeth Pride. 
This young lady was the granddaughter of Duke 
George's deceased elder brother. Her mother had 
married during the Commonwealth days a son of 
the regicide, Colonel Pride. The political aspect of 
events made General Monck of that day view this 
proceeding with entire complacency, and his consent 

I S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 34, fo. 878 ; vol. 288, fo. 112, March 23, 


was readily given. After the Restoration the Moncks 
changed not only their title but their politics, and 
Christopher felt even more enthusiastic loyalty for 
the Stuarts than did his father. This Elizabeth 
Pride was now his heir-at-law, and his first will, as 
well as those that followed, was made with the view 
to cutting her out from his inheritance, as he had 
determined that no child of a regicide should inherit 
his money. She had lived with her uncle George 
from her eighth year, and after his death with her 
cousin Christopher until her sixteenth year. At 
this time she was anxious to contract a marriage with 
Mr. Wilham Sherwin.^ 

The young lady's charms seemed not to have been 
sufficient to entangle the desired Mr. Sherwin, so 
Miss Betty Pride engaged Lord Montagu to write to 
her cousin begging a present of five hundred pounds 
wherewith to increase her dower, and this is the young 
Duke's reply ^ : 

' NewHALL, /(j;;. 7///, 1671 (-2). 

* My Lord, — Your Lordship's letter of the 6th 
instant came to me with an accompt of my cousin 
Bettey's intention of marriage and her desire of five 
hundred pounds from me to further her preferment ; 
but at present your Lordship knows my condition 
is such that I have nothing in my own power but the 
revenue of my estate, out of which, according to the 
port wherein I now live, I can spare nothing from my 
ordinary expences ; but something I owe her, which 
shall be presently payd, and when I come to age, If I 
see she lives discreetly and well, I will make up that 

^ This man was famous in the history of English art as having made 
the first English mezzotints. He was introduced by the Duke of 
Albemarle to Piince Rupert, who had acquired the art abroad, and 
learning the process, produced the first picture made by an English- 
man under this process. His prints of King Charles ir. and of Eliza- 
beth, Duchess of Albemarle, are among the finest examples in the 
collection of the British Museum. 

2 MSS. of the Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry. (Montagu House.) 

52 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

sum to be 500 pounds ; but as to my consent to her 
marriage, it 's an affaire too nice for me to be con- 
cern 'd in, and I hope her own prudence, with your 
Lordship's good advice, will sufficiently instruct her 
to governe herselfe in that matter. The respect I 
have to the memory of her father ^ induces me to wish 
well to her ; and though her demeanour towards me 
has not bin obliging, I cannot resist the motives your 
Lordshp uses in her behalfe and I wish she may de- 
serve them. The hast(e) of the messenger gives me 
not time to enlarge farther than to assure your Lord^ 
that I am, My Lord, Your Lord's affectionate kins- 
man and servant, Albemarle.' ^ 

Meanwhile the fashionable world to which Albe- 
marle belonged was given over to gaiety. The Court 
went to Newmarket in October, where was run a great 
race between ' Woodcock and Flatfoot belonging to 
the King and a Mr. Eliot many thousand being 
spectators. A more signal race had not been run for 
many years.' Observant Mr. Evelyn further records 
that at Newmarket he ' found the jolly blades racing, 
dancing, feasting and reveling, more resembling a 
luxurious and abandoned rout, than a Christian 
Court.' He further tells us of the doings at Lord 
Arlington's great house at Euston, where the King is 
becoming more and more attached to the beautiful 
French maid of honour, and he repeats scandalous 
tales, only to declare them false. A week later : 
' Came all the great men from Newmarket ... to 
make their Court, the whole house filled from one 
end to the other with Lords, ladies and gallants ; 
there was such a furnished table as I have seldom 
seen, nor anything more splendid and free, and so 
for fifteen days there were entertained at least two 

* The prejudice of the Duke against Pride was purely poHtical. 

* This letter confirms Lord Denbigh's opinion : ' Your Grace knowes 
very well I made a resolution never to write letters to one who is so 
great a judge of them as yourself ' (Montagu House MSS.). 


hundred people, and half as many horses, besides 
servants and guards, at infinite expense. 

* In the morning we went hunting and hawking, 
in the afternoon, till almost morning, to cards and 

We can hardly realise the unreliable reports and 
baseless rumours which passed for news in the seven- 
teenth century. All the government officials kept 
their own agents in the various centres to report to 
them all happenings which came under their own 
observation. The ports were especially fruitful of 
news. Lord Arlington's agent at Harwich writes 
thus to London : 

' Our harbour has been filling with ships ever since 
a fortnight, by reason of the badness of the weather. 
. . . Last night came hither in one of His Grace's, 
the Duke of Albemarle's coaches, from New Hall, 
some gentlewomen and gentlemen, incognito and 
hired a small vessel to pass to Holland and sayled 
hence this morning, leaving a small retinue here till 
their return.' ^ Another report says that these 
mysterious passengers were bound for Hamburg. 
Their destination is still a mystery. They flit across 
the Channel, whether on a visit to the Prince of 
Orange, or a diplomatic journey to the Emperor, 
perhaps for a few days' jollity in Louis xiv.'s Court; 
then they sail back again, rejoin their retinue, and 
return to the obscurity from which they came. 
Whether they journeyed on state business or private 
intrigue, this news-letter alone is left to stir the 

Before this year was over the King redeemed 
another promise, and Albemarle was created one of 
the Gentlemen of the Bedchamber to His Majesty. 
His patent reads : * To enjoy all fees, privileges, 

1 S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 27S, No. 23. 

54 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

perquisites, salary and advantage of that place be- 
longing in as full and ample a manner as the late 
George, Duke of Albemarle, or any Gentleman of the 
Bedchamber hath enjoyed and ought to enjoy the 
same.' ^ And a year later he received a grant of a 
yearly pension of one thousand pounds as Gentleman 
of the Bedchamber for and during the term of his 
entire life. 

The semi-weekly newspaper preserves the memory 
of a most unfortunate loss suffered by the Duke during 
the summer of 1672. The Gazette of July 18 contains 
the following advertisement : ' There was a trunk 
on Saturday last cut off from behind the Duke of 
Albemarle's coach, wherein was a gold George, 18 
shirts, a tennis sute laced, with several fronts and 
laced cravats and other linen ; if any can give tidings 
of them to Mr. Lymbyry, the Duke's steward, near 
Whitehall, they shall have five pounds for their pains 
and all charges otherwise defrayed.' ^ 

In the light of the theory that men of the seven- 
teenth century had none too nice standards of personal 
cleanliness, we are glad to be confronted with eighteen 
shirts in the possession of this courtly dandy. His 
pictures show his several fronts and cravats deeply 
laced with Venetian point, so that surely this adver- 
tisement must have brought results or else Mr. 
Lymbyry would have been sent on a hurried errand 
to replenish his lord's wardrobe. 

During these early years the Duke's letters show 
him as a man interested not only in his own affairs, 
but attending, with diligence and skill, to the business 
interests of his grandfather-in-law, the old Duke of 
Newcastle.^ But his pleasures scarcely harmonise 
with these more serious moments. 

* S.P. Dom., Entry Book, vol. 36, No. 145, January 18, 1672. 

* Gazette, No. 748. =» Welbeck MSS. 


Early In 1673, to assist in the war with Holland, 
the King determined to raise eight new regiments. 
The first of these was under the command of the 
Duke of Albemarle. The remaining regiments were 
under the leadership of the Earl of Ogle, the 
Marquis of Worcester, and the Earls of Mulgrave, 
Peterborough, Carhsle, Adington, and Belasyse. 'It 
is supposed,' writes Godolphin, 'they are to supply 
ye places of standing forces here who are designed 
to make a descent upon Zealand this spring.' ^ 
Many were the wirepullings for preferment in these 
regiments. By this means a chance to distinguish 
themselves or to rise in the world was given to 
hangers-on of great famihes, and Albemarle's list of 
officers shows the result of his industry in looking 
after his own and his father's friends. 

Sir Joseph Williamson was at this time envoy to 
Cologne, and his confidential agents wrote him daily 
the gossip of the eight new regiments gathering 
on Blackheath. Says one of them : ' The young 
gentry strive much to go with the Duke (York) if 
he goes, ye certainty of which I heare not, and ye 
flower of ye nobility will personally be in action.' ^ 
This was in doubt, though the colliers were ready 
to take the regiments abroad. Great excitement 
was aroused by the arrival of ' Messeur Shondberg ' 
(Schomberg), who, gossip said, was to command the 

1 Stowe MSS., 201, fo. 107. Godolphin to Essex. 

- S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 336, No. 17. Ball to Williamson. 


56 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

troops in the place of the Duke of Buckingham, 
to whom the command had been promised.^ 
Buckingham was unpopular with the people, and it 
was hoped that Schomberg, a stranger, * though of 
an English mother,* ^ would settle all disputes about 
priority. But the Duke of York, unable to take the 
oaths made necessary by the Test Act, decided to 
remain at home, and in consequence much of the 
enthusiasm among the commanders on Blackheath 
was quenched. The young lords took their com- 
mands very easily, for ' Not a Colonel bydes [bides] 
in the field with them but the Earl of Mulgrave, who 
appears a very active Colonel.'^ The lack of dis- 
cipline among the colonels naturally resulted in 
disorder among the men. * A Drummer of the Duke 
of Albemarle's regiment . . . being got drunk, and 
for it carried to ye horse, the soldiers got together and 
declared they saw no reason to example him for 
what ye officers had never been free from since their 
coming thither, and then took him from them and 
rudely treated their officers. Colonel Vane having a 
musket pressed to his breast.' * The officers were 
mustered, and the riot only stopped when each 
captain drew off his own men and quieted them as 
best he could. Punishment, dire and swift, was 
visited on the offending regiment. They were sent 
immediately to sea, and their gay uniform coats taken 
from them to give to the new recruits. 

At length it was announced that Prince Rupert 
was to be the commanding officer, with Schomberg 
as Lieutenant-Colonel. Nothing was given to the 
Duke of Buckingham, ' though he has been more at 
camp than any.' ^ Much jealousy ensued, and the 

* S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 336, No. 27. Ball to Williamson. 

* Anne Sutton, daughter of ninth Earl of Dudley. 
' S.P. Dom., Chas. 11., vol. 336, No. 48. 

* Ibid., No. 87. ' Ibid., No. 97. 


Duke in a pique refused to serve under Schomberg. 
To add to the general dissatisfaction, the weather 
had become rainy, and the officers encamped on 
Blackheath, unused to such rough Hfe, begged to be 
quartered in the villages and towns for better shelter. 
Patriotic ardour was obscured by personal animosities. 
Prince Rupert alone seemed alive to the necessity 
of pursuing the war. He was in the greatest difficulty 
to find sailors for his fleet, and hearing that one 
company of the Duke of Albemarle's regiment con- 
sisted almost entirely of men accustomed to the sea, 
he demanded them for his use aboard the ships, and 
returned, in their place, some of his own recruits who 
had proved to be landsmen.^ 

Albemarle, remembering his father's equal fame as 
general and admiral, accompanied his men, and we 
next hear from him on board Prince Rupert's flag- 
ship the Sovereign. 

Meanwhile rumours of the army's destination came 
thick and fast. The latest, that the troops were to 
land at Dunkirk to reinforce the French king's army, 
drew many a grumble from the people. On July 18, 
they at last embarked at Gravesend ; ^ the King, the 
Duke of York, Lord Arlington, and many other lords, 
going down to the fleet to take a last look at them. 
But they sailed only to land near Yarmouth,^ where 
Schomberg found the troops and officers in such need 
of discipline that he proceeded to drill them daily 
for many hours to their great discomfort. The 
greater part of the colonels remained with Prince 
Rupert and the fleet. 

' Prince (Rupert) did believe the Dutch, on the first 
appearance of the fleet, would fight them, and there- 
fore thought it safest that they (the colliers) should 

1 S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 336, No. 75. 

* Ibid., No. 137. 3 /i^-^.^ No. 168. 

58 THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

continue at Yarmouth till the}^ saw what the enemy 
would do.^ And after their landing at Yarmouth it 
was very convenient for the sake of the men and to 
prevent other distempers, which their being crowded 
together on board might have occasioned. And then 
they may be shipped again in two hours' time. Our 
politicians in the town, in the meantime, make a mock 
of this descent, as they called it, and they say they 
expect no other will be made.'^ The gossips were right 
for once. The only visible result of this parade of 
arms was that the city of London lacked coal the next 
winter, as all the colliers had been employed to trans- 
port the army. 

Albemarle did not immediately return to England, 
and he may have been with Prince Rupert in the 
battle of the Texel. His visit to Charleroi, in Belgium, 
may possibly have taken place at this time. Several 
years later the Due de Havre ^ writes that he, at some 
previous date, had the honour of having the Due 
d 'Albemarle at his house at Havre after the affair at 
Charleroi. Be that as it may, he lost much enter- 
tainment by his devotion to duty. The court paid 
very little attention to either the Dutch or the French, 
and gave themselves up to gaieties of all kinds. The 
letters of the day picture the life of the times in many 
references such as this : 

' On Tuesday night, the King, Duke, and all the 
young lords and ladies went up to Barn-Elmes and 
there intended to have spent the evening in a ball 
and supper amongst those shades. Ye trees to have 
been enlightened with torches. But the report of it 
brought such a train of spectators that they were 
faine to go dance in a barne and sup upon the water. 
Ye treat was at ye cost of Mademoiselle Carwole ' * 

» S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 336, No 48. ^ Ibid. 

' Montagu House MSS. * S.P. Dom., Chas. 11., vol. 336, No. 167. 


(Keroualle). This party was evidently a great 
success, for its hostess the next day was created by 
the King, Duchess of Portsmouth, and rumour later 
said he planned to buy Clarendon House for her 

The Duke of Monmouth, Albemarle's old com- 
panion in midnight adventures, had been winning 
golden opinions in the French Wars. During the ex- 
citement and discussion over the commanding of the 
English troops, he arrived in England, travelling in 
great state : * The people doing nothing but confer 
honours upon him.' ^ On coming to Whitehall he 
entered with zest into the social joys of this summer. 

* On Thursday last, His Grace, the Duke of 
Monmouth, invited his Majestic to a very noble 
entertainment at My Lord Robert's [sic] at Chelsey, 
where all gallants were pleased to be present. Ye 
entertainment was intended to have been on the 
Bowling Green, which was enlightened by lamps in 
an extraordinary manner. But it being too cold for 
ye ladyes, His Majesty supt within ye house, so that 
all preparations was to little purpose.' ^ Again : 

* The king and whole court continue very merry 
and jocund. This night My Lord Arlington treats 
them most nobly at supper, whither they are now all 
gone to Goring House.' ^ 

Much of the gossip of the day is related only to be 
stamped as false in the next sentence. But true or 
false these letters serve to show the trend of men's 
minds about the Court, and how important it was 
to know which favourite triumphed day by day at 
Whitehall and what the world said of it. 

The Duchess of Albemarle diverted herself during 
her husband's absence with a round of visits. When 

1 S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 336, No. 167. 

» Ibid., No. 236. 3 Ibid., No. 172. 

6o THE YOUNG DUKE [book ii. 

Evelyn rode down to Berkeley Castle to dine with his 
old friend Lord Berkeley, * it being his wedding 
anniversary,' he found there the Duchess of Albemarle 
and other company. Together with all her world she 
doubtless w^hispered over Ralph Montagu's marriage 
to the widow of the Earl of Northumberland, of how 
the lady was believed to have hoped to be the Duke 
of York's second Duchess, the bridegroom only wait- 
ing to further his ambitions with the bride's rich 
dowry. Did no vision come to warn her of this 
same Ralph Montagu, and the influence he should 
have upon her later life ? 

If we may judge by the rewards which speedily 
became his, Albemarle must have conducted himself 
in this Dutch war with fair success. On his return 
to Court from the fleet the King presented him with 
certain large and valuable tracts of land in Ireland 
that had been previously bestowed upon George 
Monck during the Commonwealth days. The 
Attorney-General in vain suggested to the King that 
these towns might well be restored to their own 
ancient privileges. Albemarle came speedily into 
possession of them.^ 

^ S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 336, No. 273. 
* S.P. Ireland, vol. 334, No. 94. 


'Methinks I see the wanton houres flee 
And as they passe, turne backe and laugh at me.' 

The Duke of Buckingham, Commonplace-book. 


As Whitehall had its rise and fall of favourites, its 
changes of ministers of State, its small bickerings and 
great scandals, so the Albemarle household reflected 
in miniature the life of the King and his Court. It 
also had its rise and fall of ministers and its rival 
factions, headed respectively by the Earl of Bath and 
Sir Thomas Clarges. Intrigue sprang from fruitful 
soil. Pretty cousins aided by their needy husbands 
were the Duchess's favourites or her rivals in the 
Duke's attentions as their necessities were best 
served. Backstairs gossip and wirepullings can be 
perceived throughout the family correspondence. 

The Duke was greatly charmed with his Duchess, 
and gave her twelve hundred pounds a year for her 
spending money. ' He ruended (ruined) her by 
letting her have her own will,' gossips Mrs. Archer to 
Cousin Fairwell.^ Yet ever his errant fancy led him 
to the bright ladies of the Court. Then, too, his 
affection for his girl cousins was always a thorn in the 
Duchess's side, and a far deeper cause of offence to her 
than his exploits with the denizens of the Whetstone 
Park. To offset the Monck cousins, the Duchess kept 
with her from time to time one of her young sisters — 
Katherine or Arabella Cavendish. So there grew up 
in the household rival parties, and the very servants 
ranged themselves in opposite camps, with the Duke 
or the Duchess as interest or inclination counselled. 

If Whitehall had its sins which it took but small 
pains to conceal, so too had Albemarle House. Still 

^ Seep. i6o. 


64 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

another cause of bitter heartburnings to the Duchess 
in these early years comes to Hght, when the Lord 
Chief-Justice Treby, in his summing-up of the great 
case of Bath versus Montagu/ casually mentions 
the Duke of Albemarle's natural son, to whom one 
hundred pounds was given by his w^ill of 1687. On 
examination of the copies of this will both at Wel- 
beck Abbey and Somerset House only one name is 
mentioned among the beneficiaries which cannot be 
accounted for — Captain Thomas Monck, to whom 
one thousand pounds, not one hundred pounds, is left. 
If the Lord Chief-Justice was not mistaken in his facts, 
the birth of this Thomas Monck must be ascribed 
to those first wild days of the Duke's freedom from 
parental restraint. Otherwise this Thomas Monck 
could not by any stretch of the imagination have held 
the rank of captain in 1687. He was bred to the 
Navy, and was a Lieutenant on the royal frigate 
Crown. On April 15, 1687, the Duke wrote to 
the King to remind him that he had promised the 
command of either the Falcon or the Drake to 
Captain Monck. The appointment not being forth- 
coming, he was given command of the Duke's own 
yacht on the voyage to Jamaica. The Duchess in 
her bereavement at the time of the Duke's death 
would not stir without him, and was greatly de- 
pendent on his care in her return voyage to England. 
He presumably received his one thousand pounds and 
forthwith disappeared, perhaps to the Massachusetts 
Plantations, whither certain of the Fairwell family 
took their way. It is curious to note that one of 
those killed in the Boston Massacre of 1774 bore the 
name of Christopher Monck. 

The Duchess was always opposed to Lord Bath, 
perhaps because his increasing air of assurance con- 

* 22 Eng. Rep. 963, 3 Chan., Case 54. 


tinually reminded her of the lack of an heir to the 
Albemarle name. Yet he bore witness to his own 
friendliness towards her. ' I had,' said he, ' great 
honour and regard for the Duchess, who was very 
young when first married, and did . . . industriously 
study to do good offices and prevent breaches between 
her and her noble husband on several occasions.' ^ 
Truly the path of this peacemaker was hard. 

The Duchess undoubtedly was capricious, for she 
was not always on friendly terms with the faction 
headed by the Clarges family. Perhaps it was in 
some moment of pique that she first championed the 
cause of still another Thomas Monck, the mysterious 
Captain — later Colonel — of that name. This man 
stalks like a phantom through the Albemarle story. 
His military stride and clanking sword give him the 
air of a soldier of fortune. Christopher's first careless 
letters asking for favours for this soldier of his own 
name attract little attention. But when his last will 
makes Colonel Monck heir to the bulk of his fortune, 
and when he follows this with a petition to the King 
that * His Majesty will be pleased to grant to the said 
Thomas Monck and his heirs-male the title of Baron 
Monck of Potheridge, so that the name of Monck 
in this manner by His Majesty's Grace and good- 
ness ever remain together with my estate unto the 
Name and posterity of the Moncks in memory of my 
most dear father and myself,' interest is aroused and 
some inquiry into the nature of his connection with 
the Monck family must be made. All the Monck 
cousins stoutly denied that this Thomas was even 
distantly related to them, but they forgot to account 
for his position in the Albemarle household. Lord 
Bath alone gives meagre details of his early life.^ He 
also denied that he held any kinship to the Moncks. 

1 P.R.O. Chancery Proceedings, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9, 1690. ^ Ibid. 

66 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

This Thomas Monck first appears as a miserable 
little boy taken up * in charity ' by one of the old 
Duke's sisters. At the Restoration he had come up 
to London and joined the Duke's household, but in 
so lowly a capacity that * he did sometimes eat with 
the grooms and inferior servants of the family,' but 
' never with the Duke or even with his Stewards or 
chief officers.' Soon he became a private soldier in his 

* Grace's foot regiment.' As early as 1662, George 
Monck wrote from the Cock Pit to Thomas, Earl of 
Ossory, asking for an ensign's place for Thomas Monck 
in one of his regiments.^ This favour presumably 
was granted, for when we next hear of him he is an 
ensign or lieutenant in a regiment in Ireland. In 
1673, Albemarle wrote to Lord Essex asking that a 

* gentleman of his name and somewhat related ' to 
him may come to England on ' very earnest business.' ^ 
A month later, writing to Essex on the same subject, 
he calls him my 'cosen Monck,' and the late ensign is 
now Captain Monck in Albemarle's regiment of Foot.^ 
How unworthy he proved of this trust, the King's 
order for a court martial on Captain Monck and 
Lieutenant Terence Bryne for false musters and other 
misdemeanours shows. ^ This misfortune banished 
Captain Monck's name from the family correspond- 
ence, and perhaps he was dispatched to the wars in the 
Low Countries, for in 1682 Albemarle busied himself 
among the great ones in Holland on behalf of Thomas 
Monck, as the following letter to the Duke from Mon- 
sieur Bentinck explains : 

'A' LA Have, ce 13 Mars 1682. 

* Monsieur, — C'est avec bien de la joye que j'ay 
receu I'honneur de la vostre, et je n'en saurois avoir 

1 Hist. MSS., sth Report, Cholmondeley MSS., p. 334. 

- Brit. Mus., Stowe MSS., 201, fo. 105. 

' S.P. Dom., Entry Book, vol. 35, No. 50a. 

* S.P. Dom., Chas. 11., vol. 336, No. 250. 


de plus sensible qu'en rencontrent les occasions de 
vous obeir en ce que vous m'ordonneres. Monsieur, 
j'ay bien de la joye de ce que Mr. Monck aye reussi 
dans sa soUicitation ; je vous prie de me continuer un 
peu de part dans vostre Souvenir, puis que je vous 
honore et respecte, et que je seray tousjours. Monsieur, 
Vostre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur, 

* W. Bentinck.' 1 

The collection of letters in the possession of Lord 
Montagu of Beaulieu reveals the fact that the Colonel, 
as we must now call him, had been endeavouring to 
raise men in Exeter for the English regiments in 
Holland, but with small success, owing to * the malice 
of the Whigs.' His conduct was still not above re- 
proach, for three months later he writes to his superior 
officer apologising for having contended with him, 
confessing that he was very drunk at the time, and 
praying for forgiveness without the matter being 
brought to a hearing, which would ruin him.^ He 
was, moreover, in debt, and his application to the 
Duke for one hundred pounds was refused, and it was 
only after great persuasion that he received funds 
upon his bond.^ 

A few years later Colonel Monck died in Holland, 
leaving a widow and two sons, Christopher and 
Henry,* in great distress. The Duke was in a far 
countiy, but he wrote instructing his trustees to 

* Montagu MSS. W. Bentinck to Albemarle. 

'At the Hague, this 13 May 1682. 
' Sir, — It is with much joy that I have received the honour of yours, and I 
could not have greater satisfaction than in meeting occasions of obeying 
your commands. 

' Sir, I am much pleased that Mr. Monck has succeeded in his position ; 
I beg you to continue to hold me a little in remembrance, since I honour 
and respect you, and shall always be. Sir, Your very humble and very 
obedient Servant, W. Bentinck.' 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., 15th Report, Montagu of Beauheu MSS., p. 181. 

' Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9. Lord Bath's testimony. 

* This is not the Henry Monck who inherited the Irish estates. 

68 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

relieve their immediate necessities. His namesake, 
Christopher, being brought to London was placed in 
the riding school kept by Monsieur Faubert — either 
with design to give him the training of a gentleman 
and make him his heir, or, as Lord Bath believed, to 
prepare him for a page and a soldier's life. For the 
Duke's pages were sent to this school to learn riding 
and fencing. In the great contest over the Duke's 
will this youth fared very ill. He was married at 
fourteen, on the strength of his prospects, to a pastry 
cook's daughter, and after many misfortunes due to 
his taste for drink he perished miserably at an early 
age. His younger brother Henry then inherited his 
claim to the estates, but he vanished without them 
into obscurity. 

Who then was this Colonel Thomas Monck, des- 
tined by the Duke to inherit his money and name ? 
May not conjecture make him the elder brother of 
Christopher, Duke of Albemarle, born while the 
marriage of George and Anne was of questionable 
legahty, and in consequence making him inehgible to 
the place of eldest son ? Walpole, in his anecdotes of 
painting mentions a picture at Chatsworth represent- 
ing General Monck, Anne, and a child. If, as Walpole 
asserts, the painter was William Dobson, who died in 
1646, this child could not be Christopher, but might 
well be Thomas, the name given through many 
generations to the eldest sons of the Moncks. He 
was possibly left to the care of one of the General's 
sisters during the Scottish campaign. The blot on his 
birth might explain the obscurity of his life under 
the General's roof. It is only in some such way as a 
tardy effort for justice that Christopher's will of 1687 
can be explained. So only can we account for 
Albemarle's tender care throughout his life for this 
worthless wanderer. 


The Duke's family connection was large. Half 
of Devon claimed kinship. All the impoverished 
daughters of the Monck name found at one time or 
another a home beneath his roof. He gave them 
much affection, portions when they married, and left 
legacies in his wills for them and their children. 
Moreover, he promoted the fortunes of their husbands. 
William Sherwin, husband of Elizabeth Pride, owed 
his introduction to Prince Rupert and the King to 
Albemarle, and so indirectly was under obligation to 
him for his instruction in the art of mezzotinting. 
Arthur Fairwell, husband of Mary, daughter of 
Nicholas Monck, Bishop of Hereford, was secretary 
to the Duke for many years, and it was not Albe- 
marle's lack of effort that prevented him from gaining 
a seat in the House of Commons.^ Curwen Rawlinson 
of Cork Hall, husband of Elizabeth Monck, held the 
office of bowbearer ^ of Bowland on the Duke's 
estate in Lancashire.^ 

Outside of this household circle Albemarle could 
claim kinship with many of the great English 
families, bringing him powerful ties both political 
and social. The Grenville sphere of influence was 
like his own, a close and intimate connection with 
the King and the Duke of York, built primarily on 
services at the Restoration, and continued by reason 
of their own deep devotion to the Crown. The large 

^ Controversy with University of Cambridge, MSS., Clare College. 
2 The bowbearer in old English law was an under officer of a forest 
whose duty was to give information of trespass. 

* Hist. MSS. Com., i5lh Report, Montagu of Beaulieu MSS., p. i8i. 


70 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

Montagu connection was friendly in these early days, 
but differences in politics separated them as years 
went on. The great Sidney family with its varying 
political associations could be claimed as old friends 
as well as kinsmen. Dorothy Sidney, ' Saccharissa,' 
writes to Henry Sidney in 1680 : * My Lady Lisle 
[her sister-in-law] has another boy ; the tw^o grand- 
fathers and the Duchess of Albemarle did christen it. 
Our brother (Lord Leicester) made her Grace stay 
above two hours for him, and she had not many more 
to stay in town.' Even more influential were the 
family connections of the Duchess. The Cavendishs 
were a power in themselves, and strong in the prin- 
ciples of the old Royalist families. The Pierreponts 
gave allegiance to quite different political prin- 
ciples, and when Gertrude Pierrepont married Lord 
Halifax, ' the great Trimmer,' she gave the Duchess 
of Albemarle a powerful uncle. 

When the strength of the Cabal was broken, 
Thomas Osborne, Earl of Danby, rose to power. He 
was a strong adherent of Church and King, and 
followed generally the traditions of Clarendon. Two 
lines of influence connect him with Albemarle : he 
was the neighbour and intimate correspondent of Lord 
Ogle ; and Martha Osborne, Danby's eldest daughter, 
had married Lord Granville of Lansd own, ^ eldest son 
of the Earl of Bath. To Danby's party Albemarle 
definitely belonged ; yet he managed to avoid dis- 
aster when that minister fell. Lord Shaftesbury had 
been George Monck's good friend in the last days of 
the Commonwealth, but his espousal of the Duke 
of Monmouth's claim to the throne diverted Albe- 
marle's path from his. 

However, in these early years the Duke and 
Duchess of Albemarle were more attracted by the 

^ Coinmouly called Lord Lansdown. 


social than the political within the Court circle, and 
public duties interfered but little with the pursuit of 
pleasure. New pastimes were daily devised by time- 
servers to keep up their interest at Court. The latest 
mode now produced a comedy given at Whitehall, 
December 14, 1674, when all the parts were taken by 
women. To appreciate the audacity of this inno- 
vation, we must realise that it was only after the 
Restoration that female parts generally had been 
taken by women even upon the public stage, and the 
reputation of these actresses was of the worst. So 
when the Masque of Calisto or The Chaste Nymph, 
by John Crowne, was given at Court, enacted by the 
two daughters of the Duke of York, Lady Mary and 
Lady Anne, both later Queens of England, Lady 
Henrietta Wentworth, afterwards famous for her 
connection with the Duke of Monmouth, the Countess 
of Sussex, Lady Mary Mordaunt, Mrs. Blagg, who 
had been Maid of Honour to the Queen, and Mrs. 
Jennings, afterwards Duchess of Marlborough, great 
was the scandal. The Duke of Monmouth, Lord 
Dunblaine, and Lord Deincourt were among the 
dancers. Three professional actresses, Mrs. Davis, 
Mrs. Knight, and Mrs. Butler, also acted and sang. 
Evelyn, who attended the performance, says : 

' Saw a comedy at Court last night acted by ladies 
only. . . . My dear friend Mrs. Blagg who, having 
the principal part, performed it to admiration. They 
were all covered with jewels.' The event was so 
successful that it was repeated on December 22, when 
* Mrs. Blagg had about 20,000 pounds worth of jewels, 
of which she lost one worth 80 pounds, borrowed of 
the Countess of Suffolk. The press was so great, that 
it is a wonder that she lost no more. The Duke (of 
York) made it good.' 

Great was the vogue of this new amusement. All 
the fashionable world followed suit. Albemarle 

72 THE MAN OF FASHION [book iii. 

House, never allowing itself to be outdone, gave a 
ladies' masque, in which the Duchess herself took a 
conspicuous part. The news of this enormity spread 
quickly to Welbcck. Who told talcs we may only 
surmise. Not the Duchess of Newcastle, for she was 
lately dead, else, writer of plays though she was, she 
would have deeply disapproved. Elizabeth Pudsey, 
one of the women attendants of the Duchess of 
Albemarle, seems capable of such gossip.^ Lady 
Elizabeth Pierrepont comes also under suspicion. 
She was the Duchess's great-aunt, and belonged to a 
different age. 

We are accustomed to think of the Restoration 
of the Stuarts as bringing about a transformation in 
the habits of the entire country — as if everywhere, 
as at Court, the old standards of virtue had been 
forgotten and the whole world given up to feastings 
and pleasures. In reality the frivolous Court circle 
formed but an incrustation over a people practising 
the same virtues that the Anglo-Saxon race has ever 
held dear. The Cavendish family at Welbeck fervently 
supported the royal prerogative, but adhered just as 
fervently to their own ideas of propriety. Lady Ogle 
had explained on another occasion that her husband 
* had bred all his children in that way that these 
liberties others think very reasonable are not thought 
so by us,' ^ and she would not permit one of her 
daughters to write to her future husband. Lord 
Ogle and his wife could hardly believe the stories 
they heard of their eldest daughter's amusements. 
Lady Ogle wrote in haste a letter of admonition. 
The Duchess taking these upbraidings in very ill part, 
returned a spirited reply. Lady Ogle again addresses 
her daughter thus : 

^ See her letter to the second Duke of Newcastle, Welbeck MSS. 
* Letter of the Duchess of Newcastle to Lord Thanet, Welbeck MSS. 

'^sm'>A . J^^^^K^ 

"" V '"^ 

B \ 

h,i:z.'''Cavcndishe J^ 
Dciuo'h'cr loll enr- ■Duke 4 i 

1 ^^^B^^^^M-^MitftfS^ h.'^'' ''^ 


ft 11! 



Fyoin the picture by Lely at Wclbeck Abbey 


' Mar. 24, 167^. 

' My DEERE Betty, — I received yours of the nth 
and gave your father that you sent inclosed to him. 
They have given us very Httle satisfaction. But yett 
it has given mee sum, For, I am very glad it was a 
woman that acted the man's part with you and that 
noe young man came downe to make a prologe and 
epeloge. Since you have read my letter, I am sure 
you can not bee ignorant, seeme what you will, whoe 
it was that tould your father all that I have men- 
tioned in my letter. Call it nursery storys with as 
much contempt as you will. Nether can your 
memory bee soe short as to forgett that I intemate 
of the lady you mention. But you have read my 
letter so slightly over that you are full of mistakes. 
I never said you received any letter from her you call 
cosen, nor never hard you did. Nor I never thought 
of Mr. Porter nor Mr. Farwell, when I writt to you, 
nor never was told a word of them, and that 's all I 
shall answer to all you have writt. But that if you 
are not of my opinion that those are ill that I thinke 
are ill, it shews your great wisdom. You and I may 
bee as happy as any, if you will. 'Tis whoely in 
your power and will lie att your doore if it bee ever 
other ways. Your letter is on of the unkindest, un- 
duty fullest letters that ever was writt to a mother in 
requytell for her affectionon (and) care and good 
councill. I had bin sharpe and you ware very angry 
and made too greate hast to write your answer bee- 
fore you well understood my letter. But to shew 
you I cannot be angry att anything you can doo to 
mee soe you bee your owne freind, I doe most hartyly 
forgive it all, and am as hartyly freinds with you as 
I was beefore your father came downe, and as if 
nether my leter nor yours had ever bin writt. Only 
I wish you to take care hereaffter for God never blessis 
undutyfull children ; we are all well heere. God in 
heaven bless you, your Lord and Katy.^ I am your 
most intirely affectionate mother. Ogle.' 

^ The Duchess's younger sister, Lady Katherine Cavendish, afterward 
the Countess of Thanet, who was visiting her sister. 

74 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

* I was very ill in a feavorlsh fitt the night affter I 
read your letter and am ill still ; it may bee not soe 
much better for you if an end com of my life as may 
bee sum would have you beeleave though an ease to 
myselfe, I should bee well satisfied if you keept noe 
company with any but what your Lord likes and I 
beeleave thare can bee noe greater signe of deerenes 
with any then keepeing them company.' ^ 

Such was the anxiety of the father and mother at 
Welbeck that Lord Ogle journeyed up to London to 
satisfy himself of the state of affairs at Albemarle 
House. Elizabeth, as he often says in his letters, was 
his favourite child, and she easily persuaded him that 
all was going well with her. Peace being restored, 
she writes the following letter to her mother : 

' Deare Mother, — I give you many thanks for your 
letter. I never was soe well satisfied in my life as I 
am now at this time, and I am the most bound to 
father for his love and kindness that ever was in the 
world. Deare mother, you can not emagin how kind 
he was to me. You can not blame me for being over- 
joyed after haveing soe pleasant a time with my 
father. Now I have tould you my mind in this, 
I must give you most humble thanks for giving my 
sister leve to larn french. I thank God with Great 
adoe I have made her read EngUsh as well as I could 
wish, but I taught her myselfe. This is all I have to 
saye. I humble beg all your blessings. I am your 
most affectionate Dutyfull Daughter, 

' E. Albemarle. 

'Yes of July xbr,."" 

It is addressed : ' For the Countess of Ogle at 
Wellbeck, leve this with the Post Master of Tuxford, 
Notingchamshire. Pd.' 

It is sealed with the Cavendish arms. 

The letters of the Duke of Albemarle belonging to 
this year make no mention of the controversy be- 

» Welbeck MSS. » Ihid. 


tween his wife and her family. His desire to avoid 
any discussion of this subject may account for the 
colourless character of his letters to his wife's grand- 
father, William, Duke of Newcastle. When writing 
to Mark Antony Benoist,^ once tutor to Lord Ogle 
and his son, and now in his old age confidential 
secretary to the family, he is frank, open, and natural ; 
but his letters to the aged Duke of Newcastle are as 
devoid of personality as a public document. How- 
ever, Albemarle's own increasing importance led the 
old friends of his wife's family to pay some court to 
him. Sir John Reresby, who knew the great world 
and how to address himself thereunto without wast- 
ing any ideas, thus delivers his soul of a sheet of polite 
letter-writing, and so contrives to keep himself in the 
mind of the young man. 

* To ye Duke of Albemarle. 

* May it please your Grace, — Confidence yt 
(has) grown to that hight in this age that it disturbs 
ye quiet of Princesses, and of Persons ye most 
priviliged wch this preamble will sufficiently convince 
yr Grace of ye truth of : which though a light mischief 
to yr Grace admonishes me for my presumption, a 
coulourable cause sometimes going far to excuse an 
ill thing. All I can plead for myself in this matter 
is my beliefe that I doe my duty ; with sops to selfe 
that seeing yt dog leap upon his master thought him- 
self civil in doing the same thing. Many persons my 
Ld addresse themselves to ye after a fitt and serious, 
I after this rude manner, but not being capable of the 
first, I choose rather Your Grace should suffer by thus 
offering myself to your Memory, then do it myself by 
being silently forgotten that am, My Lor, Yr Gr his 
most obedient Sevt., J. R.' ^ 

1 WelbeckMSS. 

'^ Bodleian Library, Ivawlinson D., vol. 204, fo. 16. 


The gaieties of a reckless Court and the excitement of 
a Dutch war might arouse the envy of the Moncks' old 
neighbours in the Strand, but life was not entirely 
cloudless even to this careless child of fortune. 
Albemarle's broad acres in themselves proved some- 
thing of a burden. Delinquent tenants and incapable 
agents put many a furrow in the brows of his trustees, 
for the Duke was not of age, and the House of Lords 
had appointed Sir Thomas Clarges and John Grenville, 
Earl of Bath, to act in that capacity.^ Albemarle, in 
turn quarrelled with one of his guardians on account 
of his rapacity, and ran into extravagance under the 
gentle rule of the other. 

Anne, Duchess of Albemarle, with her last breath 
had exclaimed to Lady Ogle that Clarges was the 
worst brother in the world, and the most insolent and 
ungrateful man, and bade Lady Ogle beware of him 
that he might have nothing to do with her son or any 
of his business. For if he had, * he would certainly 
ruin or be the ruin of him.' But those * conveniences 
of money ' in the lean days of his boyhood had done 
their work too well. * Duke Christopher was very 
kind to him,' and Sir Thomas took upon him the 
management of Christopher and all belonging to 

How can we suspect guile in a man who in his 

^ Hist. MSS. Com., ^th Report, App. i., House of Lords, p. 147, 
* Welbeck MSS., Answers of Frances, Duchess of Newcastle, to in- 


letters expresses so much right feeling ? Yet 
Frances, Duchess of Newcastle (the Lady Ogle of 
the preceding paragraph), further testifies: 'That 
all Sir Thomas Clarges's services to the Duke of 
Albemarle were to get all he could from him, both 
at present and in reversion to that degree that he made 
use of his power with the Duke in the management of 
his affairs, of which he was the sole disposer, to buy 
lands with his money and to buy and settle it on him- 
self and his son if the Duke should die without issue. 
'Till it was so shamefully manifest that the Duke 
was sensible of it and complained to the Hon. Mr. 
William Pierrepont, and the Duke had a meeting with 
his uncle (Clarges) at his (Wm. Pierrepont's) house, 
where they discoursed about three hours to the urging 
of the Duke to anger to a great degree, had he not had 
great temper (self-control), as Mr. Pierrepont in- 
formed his daughter. At last Mr. Pierrepont told 
Sir Thomas that he would advise him to deliver all up 
to the Duke to dispose of as he pleased. Sir Thomas 
answered that he could not do that, it would injure 
his son Sir Walter Clarges. Mr. Pierrepont replied. 
My Lord Duke may dispose thereof without you — 
and that put Sir Thomas terribly out of countenance.' 
So here was an end of Sir Thomas's influence, so 
carefully tended through so many years. Hence- 
forward it was well known among the family that 
the Duke quite * forsook both the conversation and 
assistance of his uncle to his dying day.' Some 
struggle Clarges made to right himself, and wrote in 
protest both to his nephew and to Lord Montagu. 
This letter to Albemarle contains much worldly 

'■ September the Jth^ 1675. 

' My Lord, — The bussiness I would have moved to 
your Grace was to make a visitt to My L^ Lieutenant 

78 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

of Ireland (L'^ Essex) to show your resentment of the 
kindnes your Grace had received from him in com- 
pHance with severall requests made to him on behalf 
of Captain Monck and others, and for the favour his 
Excelency always shewed to any of yor Grace's 
concerns in that Kingdome. The character of his 
office is very great, and by shewing respect to such 
men your Grace does a right to yourself and an 
honour to the King ; but as your Grace has an 
interest in that Country, your Grace is more obliged 
thereunto then others. Whilst I was less a stranger 
to your Grace then I now am, I was as watchfuU of 
the methods of civility which were to be perform'd by 
your Grace as of your profitt, for honour and estate 
are very insignificant without esteeme and respect, 
and these are neither gain'd nor preserv'd but by 
reciprocall motives. 

* I had something else to have sayd to your Grace 
concerning the present conditionof your fortune, which 
I fear is allmost irrecoverably plung'd into diffi- 
culties by the unhappy purchase of Clarendon House. 
(Young men never see their unhappiness until they 
feel it.) But my letters have bin of late subject to 
so much censure, that I shall reserve myself in those 
matters till your Grace shall have found by experience 
the difference betwixt the natural affection of an uncle, 
and others of more remote interest, nor should I 
have sayd anything or writt so much at this time If 
I could have satisfied my own conscience with seeing 
your Grace in a condition of ruine to my poore 
aprehension without haveing some resentment of it, 
and that your Grace may not hereafter reproach me 
with silence in such a circumstance, but I hartely wish 
I may be mistaken in my iudgment (judgment) so 
yo"^ Grace may not be unfortunate, and I intreate yo"" 
Grace's excuse for this effect of my affection to your 
Grace, whoe can never be other than. My Lord, Yo"^ 
Grace's most affectionate uncle and Servant, 

Thos Clarges.'i 

To Lord Montagu he had written some six months 
earlier : 

* Montagu House MSS. 

1675] GOOD COUNSEL 79 

'■February the i6t/i, i67f. 

* My Lord, — There is one thing I beg of yo'" Lord? 
in justice to me, That you will represent to his Grace 
when you see him. That since he finds upon examina- 
tion, That what was insinuated to him of me was fals 
and a mere malicious contriveance to make a difference 
betwixt so neere relations. That he will shew some 
resentment of it to Mr. Farwell and they that 
prompted him to it. For I will be bold to say there be 
some in the world that think there is nothing but me 
in the way to make themselves masters of his whole 
estate and whither {sic) such contrivers will have that 
care of his person as nature instructs me to imploy for 
him, I rather feare then hope. There are many 
temptations wch attend those of his quality, prayse, 
flattery, opinion of their own witt and iudgment 
(judgment), and the hke, which cunningly insinuated 
will not be easily resisted by youth and greatnes, 
when truth, as she is naked, will be slighted and 
starv'd with hunger and cold. There be two steps 
which become a wise man in his choice of friends. 
The first to be well inform'd of the faith and integrity 
of the person he takes to him as such ; and the next 
never to beleive without evident demonstration any 
ill of him. There was once a faith like this amongst 
mankind, but whither {sic) there be enough such men 
to make a corporation I can not tell ; if there were it 
might not be unworthy of the name of a Royall 
society. I beseech yr Lord?^ pardon for this scribbling, 
and am with that duty I aught to be, my Lord, y"^ 
LordP^ most obedient humble servt., 

'Tho. Clarges.'i 

It was now the opportunity of the other trustee, 
Lord Bath, to show his abilities on behalf of his young 
relative. This nobleman had been but poorly re- 
warded for his devotion to the Stuarts in bringing 
about the Restoration. True, he had the King's 
promise ^ in writing to the effect that if Christopher 
left no male heir, the dukedom of Albemarle should 

» Montagu House MSS, 2 stuart MSS. See p. 342, note i. 

8o THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

be his, together with the lands of Theobald's which in 
such a contingency would revert to the Crown. He 
also had at least a verbal understanding with both 
the first and second Dukes of Albemarle, that the 
greater part of their vast estates should go with the 
title. Lord Bath may have led his young charge into 
extravagance, but his attitude towards him was ever 
that of an indulgent father. He testified in later 
years that he found the Duke both charming and 
lovable. Lord Bath's son, Lord Lansdown, and his 
younger brother, Bernard Grenville, grew up in in- 
timacy with Albemarle, and speak of him in their 
letters with something of the affectionate tolerance 
shown to an indulged younger brother. A younger 
son, Bevil Grenville, was Christopher's godson. 

In 1675 Christopher came of age. Before he could 
take his seat in the House of Lords he was obliged by 
the Test Act to take the Sacrament according to the 
rites of the Church of England. This he did at the 
parish Church of Boreham, in Essex, near Newhall. 
His summons bears the date of April 12, 1675. He 
attended next day, and w^as appointed on the Com- 
mittee of Petitions and Privileges, on which he ever 
after served. His oath of allegiance was not taken 
until April 30. 

To this period belongs the purchase of Clarendon 
House, so much deplored by Sir Thomas Clarges. 
Did the Grenvilles advise it, the Monck cousins 
clamour for it, or the Duchess demand it ? Nothing 
is reported. Hardly yet of age, the Duke bought 
this magnificent mansion for twenty-five thousand 

* Hist. MSS. Com., yth Report, part i. John Verney to Sir P. Verney, 
August 12, 1675. ' The Duke of Albemarle has bought Clarendon 
House for 25,000 Pounds ; payment thus, 3000 pounds last Saturday 
was sen'ight, L4000 last Thursday, 6000 pounds in a month, and the 
rest in three years. 4000 pounds each with interest.' 


Fashion had, for some years, been deserting the old 
ducal palaces in the Strand. The paving of the 
streets, however roughly, led to a greater use of horses 
and coaches, and slowly but surely the river was los- 
ing its prestige as the fashionable highway between 
the Court and the City. * Several new palaces,' as 
Evelyn calls them, had sprung up in the fields beyond 
St. James's Palace, fronting on what was then called 
the Great Bath Road, but is now Piccadilly. In the 
height of his prosperity, the Earl of Clarendon had 
built himself a great house in this quarter. Rumour 
said that the material came from that supplied for the 
restoration of old St. Paul's Church ; still others 
murmured that it was built with the price of the sale 
of Dunkirk to the French. Andrew Marvell's verses 
serve to keep alive the memory that this mansion 
was derisively nicknamed Holland, Dunkirk, or 
Tangier House. ^ 

' Here lie the sacred bones 

Of Paul beguiled of his stones : 

Here lie golden briberies, 

The price of ruined families ; 

The cavalier's debenture wall, 

Fixed on an eccentric basis : 

Here 's Dunkirk Town and Tangier Hall, 

The Queen's marriage and all, 

The Dutchman's templum pacis.' 

In the end the erection of this house contributed 
largely to its owner's fall, Evelyn visited it many 
times in Clarendon's day, and it could have changed 
but little in the passage of ten years. He calls it in 
his diary * a goodly pile, but with many defects as 
to architecture, yet placed most gracefully.' Having 
just returned from one of these visits he writes 

1 Wheatley, London Past and Present, vol. iii. p. 88, says, ' The two 
Corinthian pilasters, wliich stood one on each side of the Three Kings' 
Tavern gateway in Piccadilly (removed in 1864) were thought to be 
the only remains of Albemarle House' (Clarendon House). 

82 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

from Sayes Court in a less censorious vein to Claren- 
don's son, Lord Cornbury : 

'20M of January i66f. 

' I went with prejudice and a critical spirit, incident 
to those who fancy they know anything in Art ; I 
acknowledge that I have never seen a nobler pile. 
My old friend and fellow-traveller has perfectly ac- 
quitted himself. It is without hyperbole the best 
contrived, the most useful, graceful, and magnificent 
house in England ; I except not Audley End, which 
though larger and full of gaudy barbarous ornaments, 
does not gratify judicious spectators. Here is state 
and use, solidity and beauty, most symmetrically 
combined together. Nothing abroad pleases me 
better, nothing at home approaches it.' 

A print in the British Museum shows a dignified 
structure two stories in height built on the plan of the 
letter H. A cupola adorns the centre of the roof, and 
dormer windows add to the effect. A broad drive- 
way sweeps up to the house from the great gate in 
Piccadilly where the print shows a magnificent major- 
domo on duty.^ The house stood on the present 
site of Stafford Street, between Bond Street and Dover 
Street. It was surrounded by extensive gardens 
opening toward the palace on the one side and toward 
open fields on the other. 

The house was ' bravely ' furnished, and as Albe- 
marle had few ancestral possessions of furniture, he 
possibly took over with it much of its original plenish- 
ings. These would not be of a distinctly English or 
even French character only. With the acquisition 
of Bombay as part of the Queen's dower, the treasures 
of the East became accessible to English collectors. 
The Jesuit missionaries to Japan and China sent to 
Europe wonderful specimens of oriental work. So 
that Japanese and Indian curios were now seen in 

^ Grace Collection, fo. 110, 114-17. 


the best houses, in rooms adorned with GrinHng 
Gibbons' carving. A description of an admirable 
house of the period discloses : 

* A whole cabinet of elegancies, especially Indian. 
In the hall are contrivances of Japanese screens, 
instead of wainscot, and there is an excellent pendule 
clock inclosed in the curious flower work of Mr. 
Gibbon, in the middle of the vestibule. The land- 
scapes of the screens represent the manner of living 
and country of the Chinese. But above all, his lady's 
cabinet is adorned on the fret ceiling and chimney- 
place with Mr. Gibbon's best carving. There are also 
some of Streater's best paintings and rich curiosities 
of gold and silver as growing in the mines.' ^ 

One of the most gorgeous rooms of the day was the 
bedroom of the Duchess of Portsmouth at Whitehall, 
whither Evelyn accompanied the King and the Court 
gallants : 

* What engaged my curiosity was the rich and splen- 
did furniture of this woman's apartment, now twice 
or thrice pulled down and rebuilt to satisfy her prodi- 
gal and expensive pleasures, whilst Her Majesty's 
does not exceed some gentle ladies in furniture and 
accommodation. Here I saw the new fabric of 
French tapestry for design and tenderness of work 
and incomparable imitation of the best paintings, 
beyond anything I have ever beheld. Some pieces 
of Versailles, St. Germaine's, and other palaces of the 
French King with huntings, figures, landscapes, and 
exotic fowls and all to the life, rarely done. Then 
for Japanned cabinets, skreens, pendule clocks, great 
vases of wrought plate, tables, stands, chimney furni- 
ture, sconces, branches, braseras, all of massy silver 
and out of number, besides some of Her Majesty's 
best paintings.' 

No great house of that day was complete with- 
out ceiling and wall-paintings of Antonio Verrio. For 
Ralph Montagu's new house in Bloomsbury he had 
2 Evelyn, Diary, October 4, 1683. 

84 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

painted Dido's ' Funeral Pyre,* the ' Labours of Her- 
cules,' the 'Fight of the Centaurs' for the staircase, 
and an apotheosis on the walls and roof of the 
great room. 

Such fashionable people as the Duke and Duchess 
of Albemarle must surely have had as fine wall-paint- 
ings as any one in London. And it is gratifying to 
find among Verrio's accounts the record of sixty 
pounds paid by the Duke of Albemarle for a ceiling, 
and as the word * more ' precedes the entry we may 
well believe that he was extensively engaged in 
embellishing some one of the Duke's houses. Albe- 
marle House, as their new acquisition must now 
be called, was the object of their greatest interest 
for some years to come, and it is fairly safe to claim 
it as the scene of Signor Verrio's activities. They 
had spent large sums upon their new house and were 
very proud of it. More prudent relatives prophesied 
speedy ruin from these expensive toys, but the young 
people, never heeding, continued their life of gaiety. 
Yet with all the fashionable world they kept early hours. 
They arose at seven, dined at midday, were seen at the 
play at four o'clock, supped and went to bed betimes. 

A large retinue of servants ^ was necessary to keep 
up proper state in the new house. Among these 
should be mentioned first those who dealt with the 
collection of the Duke's income : an auditor of the 
revenue, in modern term a bookkeeper, and a re- 
ceiver of the rents, whose duties are the same in all 
ages. The steward of the house was a man of great 
importance. He was engaged by the Duke in con- 
fidential negotiations, and is spoken of with great 
respect in the family business correspondence. Mr. 
Lymbyry was the name of this functionary, and he 
served both Dukes of Albemarle throughout their lives. 

* Welbeck MSS. List of the servauts of the Duke of Albemarle. 


His salary in the old Duke's time was seven pounds 
ten shillings a quarter,^ and there is no reason to sup- 
pose that this sum was increased by the second Duke. 

Another important functionary was the ' Gentle- 
man of the Bedchamber and Privy Purse in one 
person.' This comprehensive title seems to fit the 
duties performed by William Chapman. ^ He pro- 
bably assumed this office at the time of the Duchess's 
marriage, and the connection was only severed by 
his death in 1685. His relations with the Duke and 
Duchess were also of a confidential nature, but his 
accounts show that his devotion to their service left 
them greatly in his debt. 

Spiritual matters lay under the care of the 
* Chaplaine,' an office held first by Dr. Price, who 
had performed like service in the old Duke's house- 
hold. He was succeeded by Mr. PhiHp Brown, who 
was later provided with the chaplaincy of Albemarle's 
regiment in the Dutch War. 

Of lesser servants in the house the list records : one 
groom of the chambers, a gentleman usher to Her 
Grace, six footmen, a servant more to a barber, two 
pages, a ward robe -keeper to be an upholsterer, clerk 
of the kitchen and caterer in one person, master cook, 
under cook, one servant in the kitchen, a chief 
butler and under butler, a porter. The attendants 
of the Duchess were * Two Gentlewomen to Her 
Grace,' and the names of various ' ladies ' appear 
throughout the years in connection with this office. 
Cupid was responsible for many of these changes, and 
not a few of them married exceedingly well. The old 
family nurse of the Cavendish sisters, Madame Frances 
Gregory, was often with her former charge, and 

* Account book of Captain George Lascelles ; manuscript in posses- 
sion of Colonel Charles Waring Darwin of Elston Hall. 

2 Welbeck MSS. Accounts with the Duchess of Albemarle. 


86 THE MAN OF FASHION [book in. 

though she was a bit despotic, her young mistress 
was more fortunate when in her hands than when 
the two Wright sisters had her under their care. Of 
other women servants we note : two chambermaids, 
two housemaids, one woman to keep all the linen, one 
woman to have charge of the plate, one woman under 
her to clean the plate, and four laundrymaids. A 
* gentleman of the horse ' was in charge of the stables ; 
his staff consisted of a yeoman of the horse, two 
coachmen, two postillions, three grooms, and two 
helpers. There is no record of the Duke's racing 
stables, though the names of some of his horses are 
preserved. Although horses were used largely, a 
barge was still a necessity, and a crew of watermen 
should not pass unnoticed. 

While living in London a small staff of servants was 
left on duty at Newhall ; these were a housekeeper, 
one maid-servant, one wardrobe-keeper for the house. 
For the estate there were provided a receiver of the 
rents, a bailiff, a gardener, one servant, two carters, 
and a decoyman to serve the Duke's ducks. 

The officers and agents of the estates preserved a 
semi-military character, and their names often appear 
in the lists of lieutenants of Albemarle's Essex militia. 

So busy were these young people with settling their 
new home, and amusing themselves with various 
diversions that the Duke, at least, neglected an im- 
portant office. His duties as Gentleman of the Bed- 
chamber sat but lightly upon him. If others had 
not proved more faithful. His Majesty's shirt would 
have remained un warmed, the pallet bed beside the 
royal couch untenanted. Lord Bath, as Groom 
of the Stole, administered fatherly admonitions as 
to these neglects. They were of a piece with the 
jeremiads of Sir Thomas Clarges, and called forth 
the following explanation from the contrite Duke. 


' My Lord, — . . . I am, as I alwayes have been since 
I knew anything, infinitely sensible of your LordP^ good 
advice and kindness to me, and I am sorry that at this 
time some circumstances in my family do hinder me 
from complying with it, especially in a matter wherein 
my duty and interest oblige me so much as in my 
attendance upon his Majesty in this Sumers progress, 
and I confesse it a fault that I have not been more 
sedulous at other times in performing of my duty to 
him. My wife for her health and many other reasons 
is necessitated to go to the waters of Yorkshire this 
Sumer and to begine her jurney thither about the 
22"^ of this month that she may wait on my Lord of 
Newcastle in her going thither, and, in regard it is the 
first visit she has made to a Relation so near, I cannot 
let her go but in an equipage sutable to her quality, 
and to make up that, she must have both my setts of 
coach horses with her own and most of my servants 
which disables me from [letter torn] especially since 
his Mat'^ begines so soon as I hear he does unless I 
had had longer time to make my provision for it, but 
I will not fail to be at Windsor at his Ma*'^^ returne 
and stay there till the end of July, at which time I 
have promised to meet my wife at Welbeck to per- 
forme my part of the respect to her Grandfather. . . . 
If I may be serviceable to your lord'^P on any occasion 
none shall with more willingnes doe it then My Lord, 
Your most affectionate kinsman and faithfull Ser^*.' ^ 

These plans for a visit to Welbeck may have had to 
be changed to meet the obligations undertaken by 
Lord and Lady Ogle. The Duchess of Newcastle, the 
* thrice noble Margaret,' ^ died in December 1673. 
A draft of a letter written by Lord Ogle and his wife 
to the lonely Duke has recently been discovered 
among the Welbeck Abbey manuscripts. In it they 
petition the aged Duke that they may come and live 
with him. They offer to * find themselves ' out of 
the plentiful allowance which His Grace makes them 

* Montagu House MSS. Draft in Albemarle's hand. ^ Charles Lamb. 

88 THE MAN OF FASHION [book hi. 

in * wine, sugar, all sorts of groceries, soap and horse- 
meat, desiring also that wee may keep Worsop 
[Worksop] Man'" in our hands ready furnished as it 
is that if my daughter Albemarle, her L*^, or any 
other should come with intentions to lodge w'^ y'' 
Grace, wee may goe thither and entertain them that 
they may not trouble y'' Grace, but only come to 
see y"" horses.' They further promise that he shall 
not be troubled by visits from their acquaintances or 
friends * at meales or night time or further than an 
afternoon visit,' and they will be in everything * as 
obedient and observant of y'^ Grace as if wee were 
in y"^ house in the same manner as y"" son was formerly 
at 10 years of age.' 

If this noble ofifer was accepted, Elizabeth saw little 
of her grandfather on her visit to the north. This 
same journey of the Duchess calls forth polite com- 
ment from her great-aunt, Lady Armyne, in a letter 
to Lady Ogle : 

' WiMBLTONE, July 28. 

* Right Hon^ . . . Madam, I hope my lady 
duches, y"^ dauter hath receaved muche good by the 
Yorkeshire waters. I hard not wethr her Grace was 
yt retorned to yr ladyPP, I hope and praye the Lorde 
will give such a blesinge to these meanes as her ladyPP 
maye make yo a joyful grandmother of many sones. 
To all these earthly honores and comfortes I moste 
humbly besiche Almity God to ade a greter and 
more desirable, his love, . . . and to put his love and 
feare in all yrhartes that yo maye neur departe from 
him, that the duste of earthley honores and all 
abundance maye not dime yr eyes from loukin 

Old Lady Armyne's pious wish for many sons to be 
born to the Duchess was never realised. One son was 
born to them during these early years, but he hardly 
survived his first breath. 

» Welbeck MSS. 


'Our hopes, like towering falcons, aim.' 

Matthew Prior. 


The Duke of Albemarle now had reached the age of 
twenty-three. Well emerged from boyhood, master 
of his great estates, and a fashionable figure in Court 
circles, he began to take upon him the duties of his 
position. Outwardly as absorbed as ever in the 
gaieties of life, he occasionally gives voice to a deeper 
note and shows the stirrings of an ambition to be 
something better than a Court gallant. Before re- 
lating the events of the next seven years, it is fitting 
that his qualities of mind and spirit should be esti- 
mated and his chief characteristics rehearsed, that 
they may serve as a key to his conduct. No general 
summary of his life by a contemporary writer has 
been discovered. Letters and diaries give but the 
most superficial comment. A more exhaustive survey 
must be derived from his own letters and private 
papers, and from his conduct in crises of political 

His outward aspect was comely. His face, painted 
by Crosse in 1680, shows more strength and directness 
of gaze than the earlier picture. The lips are firmly 
set, although his chin already shows a tendency to 
double. His great wig, of fashionable size, obscures 
the outline of his head. His armour gleams in the 
light, and is relieved of its austerity by the blue of the 
Garter ribbon and the cravat of Venetian lace.^ Dr. 
Gumble, who had known him from his first year, 

^ Miniature by L. Crosse, painted in 1680, belonging in 1914 to Mr. 
E. M. Hodgkins, 158B New Bond Street, London. 



credited him with good parts and conditions of mind.* 
To these quaUties may be added a nice discrimination 
in the choice of agents, which presupposes a certain 
keenness in his judgment of men. While he was in 
no sense a statesman, he was involved and deeply 
interested in public affairs. Yet during the reign of 
King Charles ii. he succeeded in so steering his course 
that he was never under suspicion of disloyalty. 
Whether Papist or Nonconformist, Whig or Tory 
were discovered plotting against the existing form of 
government, the Duke of Albemarle always received 
rewards for fidelity. As his strongest characteristic 
was his unswerving loyalty to his King, so his weakest 
point was an over-sensitive personal pride. He held 
himself high and watched that others should do the 
same, seeing slights where none were intended. In 
the exhibition of this weakness he was far more 
temperate than his contemporary, the Duke of 

Albemarle's extravagance called forth the greatest 
censure from men of his own day. This was a fault 
so general among his fellow-courtiers that it would 
have hardly caused remark had it not shown such a 
radical departure from the habits of his parents. He 
was not without certain practical qualities. In an 
age when men of fashion dabbled in chemical experi- 
ments, he turned his attention to mechanics and in- 
vented certain improvements in the diving bell of 
the period. 

He delighted in sports, horse racing, greyhound 
coursing, hunting, hawking, tennis, and feats of 
strength, and he did not shun a bear baiting. 
Pleasures of a more intellectual nature attracted him 
in a less degree. He was more often a spectator at 
a wrestling match than at a play ; yet he is spoken of 

^ Gumble, Life, Introduction. 


as the patron of Mr. Haynes, an actor of the King's 

In the personal relations of life he showed a sweet 
responsive nature, good temper, generosity, and even 
indulgence to those he loved. He was universally kind 
to his social inferiors, who returned him a devoted 
allegiance. To these he showed a more winning side 
of his nature than he did to the generality of his asso- 
ciates. In these qualities, as well as in his arrogant be- 
haviour toward his equals, he greatly resembled Prince 
Rupert — his father's friend, — and it is entirely within 
the bounds of possibility that the dashing Cavaher 
general, now living a retired life among his crucibles, 
had served as a model to the youthful Albemarle. 

Such , then , was the man , happy for the moment in the 
prospect of a royal visit to Newhall, who in April 1676 
set forth with all the Court for Newmarket to attend 
the spring races. Mr. Secretary Coventry also accom- 
panied the bright company to establish communica- 
tion between the officials in London and the King and 
his ministers. The times were troubled. The Duke 
of York had officially acknowledged his conversion 
to the Roman Catholic Church and ceased to attend 
the services of the Church of England. This in itself 
tended todepress the ministry and the people generally. 
Then, too, the country was in difficulties over the settle- 
ment of Tangier's affairs. Coventry's letters to his 
colleagues show great disquietude of spirit on his part, 
and disclose to the reader of a later age how shamefully, 
in the seventeenth century, the King and ministers 
of State neglected public business. On April 2, 1676, 
Coventry thus writes to Williamson from Newmarket : 

* . . . The ground is too hard either for hunting, 
racing or any other sport but bearly taking the ayer, 

' Hist. MSS. Comm., 15th Report, Montagu of Beaulieu MSS., p. 182. 


which His Majesty doth more on foot than on horse- 
back. It is early yet to discourse of how long we 
shall stay, but I believe most people are of the 
opinion we left a very good town when we came 
from London.' ^ 

The weather conditions precluding horse racing, the 
secretaries hoped to obtain some definite instructions 
from the King about public affairs. All the reports 
were sent down to Secretary Coventry, and he, with 
the greatest difficulty, found opportunity to present 
them to the King and the Duke of York, He writes 
to Williamson in great discouragement : 

* We have store of the Privy Council here, but as 
yet no council heard. Whether the arrival of My 
Lord-Lieutenant, who is expected here this night, may 
produce one, I know not. But New Market is not a 
clime for such congregations.' ^ 

Just when he hoped that the King would return to 
London, * a day's rayne ' ^ altered all resolutions, 
and the King departed to Euston on a visit to the 
Lord Chamberlain Arlington, where everything was 
indulged in except public business. 

From Euston, the King determined to set out for 
Newhall to visit his most loyal Duke of Albemarle.* 
In connection with these arrangements, Coventry 
further says : 

' I perceive there will be no direction in the matter 
till his (the king's) own arrival (in London) which is 
resolved to be on Saturday night. On Friday night 
he lyeth at New Hall and dineth there the next day. 
We have had no committee of the Council. . . . Nor, 
I believe, shall before our departure. However, I 
keep those pages I mentioned in our last to be ready 
in case any combination should be resolved on.' ^ 

* S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 380, No. 120. 

» Ibid., No. 140. » Ibid., No. 146. 

« Ibid., No. 152. * Ibid., No. 161. 


On another day he writes : 

' We have been almost all day, morning and after- 
noon, in the field and His Majesty is at this time at 
the Cock Pit by canale [candle] light, and so farewell 
to Newmarket.' ^ 

The occasion of this royal visit gives an excellent 
opportunity to inspect Newhall, handsomely be- 
decked for so joyous an event. The story of the 
Manor of Newhall begins in earliest days. In the 
reign of Edward il. it belonged to the monks of 
Waltham Abbey. After passing through the hands 
of various owners, Thomas Boteler, Earl of Ormonde, 
received it from King Henry vii. as a recompense for 
the sufferings of his family during the Wars of the 
Roses. He had licence also to build thereon ' walls 
and towers.' This house was called New Hall to 
distinguish it from a more ancient building, the Old 
Hall, and not even the iron will of Henry viii. could 
change the name to Beau Lieu, — and Newhall it is, 
even to this day. The great Henry came into pos- 
session through exchange with Sir Thomas Bullen, 
father of his second queen. He completed and 
beautified the house * in a composition of Roman 
and Gothic styles.' The great gate-house, leading 
to the grand court, bore an enormous shield with 
Henry's own arms carved in stone, with this in- 
scription : 

' Henricus Rex Octavus, Rex inclitus armis 
magnanimus struxit hox opus eximium.'^ 

This coat-of-arms is at the present day in what was 
once the great hall, but is now the chapel of the 

* S.P. Dom., Chas, ii., vol. 380, No. 172. 

^ Vetusta Monumenta quae, ad vevum Britannicaruni memoriam con- 
seyvandam Societas Antiquariovuni Londini Suniptu suo odenda curavit. 
Londini 1747. Vol. ii. pp. 1-7. The material for the history of Newhall 
comes entirely from this book. 


owners, the Sisters of the Holy Sepulchre. Queen 
Mary i. called it her favourite residence, and many 
of her state papers are dated from Nevvhall. 

The glor>^ of the chapel ^ was the great glass window, 
now in St. Margaret's Church, Westminster. This 
window is perhaps the most beautiful example of 
stained glass in England. It was originally intended 
for Henry vii.'s Chapel in the Abbey of West- 
minster, and was made at Dort in Flanders. Un- 
fortunately, it contained portraits of Henry vii.'s 
eldest son Arthur, then Prince of Wales, and Katherine 
of Aragon. This prince coming to an untimely end, 
his brother, Henry vill., inherited his titles and 
also his wife. He disliked to be reminded in this 
public fashion of his predecessor, and so presented the 
window to the monks of Waltham Abbey. At the 
dissolution of the monasteries, its glass was success- 
fully preserved from destruction by removal to 
Newhall. So that this wonderful window looked 
down upon the devotions of Queen Mary and Philip 
of Spain, and later, turning Protestant with the times, 
saw Queen Elizabeth enjoying the royal manor. 
She placed over the house door the arms of England 
in a garter, supported by a crowned lion and a griffin 
sided by caryatides, and over them this inscription : 

'Viva Elizabetha.' 

And under the arms : 

' In terra la piu savia regina, En cielo la piu lucenta stella. 
Virgine magnanima, dotta, divina leggiadra, honesta e 

Elizabeth granted the house to Thomas Ratcliffe, 
Earl of Sussex, and it passed from that family in 1625 
to George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham. From him 
it descended to his son George, and during the 

' Now a schoolroom. 




m ■■ ■ i 




' ',| 


1676] NEWHALL 97 

Commonwealth was sequestered by Parliament. It 
was sold to Oliver Cromwell for the consideration of 
five shillings, the yearly value being computed to be 
;^I039, I2s. 3|d., but he exchanged it for Hampton 
Court Palace. Escaping the demolition which was 
the fate of many of the old manors, it was probably 
restored to the Duke of Buckingham by the King and 
from him passed into the hands of General Monck. 

Newhall was a glorious mansion at the time of King 
Charles's visit. With its red Tudor brick and pic- 
turesque chimneys it bore some resemblance to the 
older parts of Hampton Court Palace. It consisted 
of two large courts, a magnificent great hall, and the 
state apartments usual to such a mansion. As well 
as the great window, there was in the chapel a large 
painting designed by Inigo Jones and painted by 
Sir Balthasar Gerbier, for which had been paid 
five hundred pounds. The stonework displayed the 
various coats-of-arms and devices of the different 
owners of the house. ^ 

Evelyn saw this mansion July 10, 1656, and re- 
corded in his diary : 

' It is a fair old house, built with brick, low, 
being only of two stories, as the manner then 
was ; the gatehouse better ; the court large and 
pretty ; the staircase of extraordinary wideness, with 
a piece representing Sir Francis Drake's action in the 
year 1580, an excellent sea-piece ; the galleries are 
trilling ; the hall is noble ; the garden a fair plot, and 
the whole Seat well accommodated with water ; but 
above all, I admired the fair avenue planted with 
stately lime trees, in four rows, for near a mile in 
length. It has three descents, which is the only fault, 
and may be re-formed. There is another fair walk of 

^ Ratcliffe, Earl of Sussex ; Fitzwalter ; Burcell ; Botecourt ; Lucy ; 
Multon ; Mortimer of Attilborough ; Culclieth ; Sidney ; Clunfford ; 
Barrington ; Mercy ; Mandeville ; Chetwynd ; Baard ; Brandon ; Dudley, 
Earl of Leicester; Henry viii. ; Katherine of Aragon. 



the same at the wall and wilderness with a tennis 
court, and pleasant terrace towards the park, which 
was well stored with deer and ponds,' 

The Duke of Newcastle, whose own stately houses 
were worthy of comment, once wrote to Albemarle : 

* I am perfectly of your Grace's openion there is noe 
place so fit and proper for my daughter in all respects 
as your Grace's Noble House of New-Hall. It is the 
best House, the best Seate, and the best furnished of 
any subject's House in the Kingdom.' ^ 

The passage of two hundred years has sadly 
changed that noble avenue. Those limes which 
still survive are broken and drooping ; the three 
descents which so offended Evelyn's taste are ' re- 
formed,' and nothing remains to show their character. 
The court * large and pretty ' has vanished. The 
ornamental lake is now a horsepond, while white 
ducks swim in what was once a moat. Only the great 
hall and its surrounding apartments remain to testify 
to the departed glories of the last Duke of Albemarle. 

But too long have we kept His Majesty waiting for 
dinner, which we may well believe was a far better 
one than the meal criticised by Cosmo, dei Medici, 
in the old Duke's time. For twenty-four hours the 
great house shone brilliantly ; the halls and galleries 
resounded with the merry voices of courtiers ; the 
greensward of the gay pleasance and stately avenue 
bore the unechoing footsteps of beauties and 
favourites. Then, on Saturday night, the Court 
departed for London, leaving the Duke of Albemarle 
to irksome quiet. For, as Lord-Lieutenant of Essex 
he remained at home to exercise his militia on the 
Ox-eye Green, near Chelmsford. ^ 

Later in the year, he made a great journey to 

^ Montagu House MSS. Duke of Newcastle, formerly Lord Ogle, to 
Albemarle, December 14, 1684. 

* S.P. Dom., Entry Book, vol. 44, No. 129. 



Devonshire to visit his ancestral home iit Potheridge.^ 
His father had rebuilt and embellished this old manor 
house at enormous expense, but little time seems to 
have been spent there by either of the Dukes. Great 
preparations were made for the Duke's reception, and 
after his stay at Potheridge he went on a progress 
through the county, atterrded by most of the great men 
of the place. Exeter was his first stopping-place, and 
Plymouth, where the Earl of Bath commanded the 
citadel, was in a great state of excited anticipation of 
his promised visit, and, with the uncertainty of all 
public arrangements in those days, reported to London 
his expected arrival from day to day for nearly a week 
before he really put in an appearance. 

Philip Lanyon writes of the joyous occasion to Mr. 
Secretafy Williamson, September 30, 1676 : 

y" ■ ' His Grace, the Duke of Albemarle, accompanied 
>^ by most of the gentry of this County, coming to this 
^ place . . . was met about ten miles off by Colonel 
Hugh Piper, Deputy Governor, by the Right Honour- 
able the Earl of Bath, Governor of His Majesty's 
Royal Citadel of -Plymouth, at the head "of about 
eighty horse from thence conducted His Grace to the 
entrance of this Town where he was received by the 
trained bands, which guarded him quite through the 
town, until entering the precincts of the Citadel. 
As His Grace came through the Town, just before the 
Guild Hall, was the Mayor with his brethren in 
Scarlott and the Common Council men in their for- 
malities to compliment His Grace ; where he made 
a stop and alighted off his horse to salute the Mayor, 
after which he was mounted again and rode to the 
Citadel, where he was received by the whole garrison 
in arms and a salvo of cannon from off the walls. 
His Grace being lodged in the Earl of Bath's house, 
the Mayor, with his brethren and Common Council 
in their formalities, came to welcome him to this 

^ The barns were still standing in 1850, 

100 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

Town ; at which time the Mayor invited His Grace, 
with all the gentry accompanying him, to dine with 
him this day, which His Grace was pleased to grant. 
When he, with all the gentry of this County accom- 
panying him, was treated with all the varieties these 
parts could afford. Before dinner, His Grace, with 
the Chief Gentry^ were invited to the Guild Hall, 
where the Mayor, Magistrates and Common Council 
being in session time, were in those formalities. His 
Grace and the Gentry being entered the Guild Hall, 
were complimented by the Mayor and Magistrates, 
affording His Grace and about thirty of the Chief 
Gentry the Freedom of this Town. Which His 
Grace was pleased to accept of and accordingly, His 
Grace and the thirty Gentry were sworn for Burgesses. 
From the time of His Grace's entry into this Town, all 
demonstrable expressions of joy have been expressed 
by wringing of bells and so forth.' ^ 

From Plymouth Albemarle journeyed to Totnes 
to meet all his Deputy-Lieutenants and discuss the 
affairs of the militia, a subject in which he was deeply 
interested. Soon after his return from this journey, 
at Christmastide, occurred the death of the Duchess's 
grandfather, and Lord Ogle became Duke of Newcastle. 
He was given the Garter, as was also Thomas, Earl of 
Danby. Christopher, Duke of Albemarle, and John, 
Duke of Lauderdale, were commissioned by the King 
to install them at Windsor at a chapter which was 
held upon April 19, 1677. ^ 

As the new year advanced, public affairs took on a 
still graver aspect. Albemarle's attention was much 
engaged therein, and he actively arrayed himself 
with the King's party. Consequently he had little 
sympathy with those who opposed the King's conten- 
tion that there was no limit to the time for which he 
could lawfully adjourn Parliament. 

1 S.P. Dom., Chas. ir., vol. 385, No. 243. 

2 All Souls College, Oxford, vol. xxxi. No. ccl. 



The Duke of Buckingham opposed the King, and he 
and his supporters, Shaftesbury, SaHsbury, and Whar- 
ton, found themselves in the Tower, and hkely to stay 
there unless they begged the pardon of the King and 
House. Andrew Marvell, writing to Sir Edward 
Harley, gives some details of how they won forgive- 
ness : 

* Worthy Sir, — . . . The E. of Salisbury, after 
having his petition several times corrected, broke the 
ice and at last acknowledged therein his unadvised 
discourse concerning the Prorogation. Here upon 
he was fully discharged only with conditions to make 
the same submission to the House of Lords when 
sitting. The L. Wharton writ after the same copy 
and had the same order. The King jested with him 
and said he would teach him a text of Scripture, " Sin 
no More." " Your m^y has that from my quotation 
of it to my L"^ Arlinton [Arhngton] when he had been 
before the House of Commons." " Well, my Lord, 
you and I are both old men and we should love 
quietnesse. Besides all other obligations I have 
reason to desire it having some ;^i500 a yeare to lose. 
Ay, my Lord, but you have an aking tooth still." " No 
indeed, mine are all fain out." The D. of Bucking- 
ham petitioned only that he had layd so long (in the 
Tower) had contracted several indispositions and 
desired a month's aire. This was by Nelly (Gwenn), 
Middlesex, Rochester and the merry gang easily 
procured, with presumptions to make it a liberty. 
Hereupon he layd constantly at Whitehall at My L. 
Rochester's lodgings leading the usual life. The 
D. of Yorke, the Treasurer (Danby), and, they tell 
me too, the D. of Munmoth, remonstrated to the 
King that this was to leap over all rules of decency 
and to suffer his authority to be trampled on, but if 
he had a favour for him he might do it in a regular 
way, etc. Never the lesse it was for some days a 
moot pointe between the Ministers of State and the 
Ministers of Pleasure who should carry it. At last 
Buck: was advertised that he should retire out of 


102 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

Whitehall. He obeyed and since presented they say a 
more acknowledging Petition then either Salisburyres 
or Wharton's, whereupon I heare that he was yester- 
day bye the same Rule dismissed. People were full 
of vaine imaginations what changes he would make in 
Court, but he loves pleasure better then Revenge, and 
yet this last is not the meanest luxury.' ^ 

Secret negotiations were meanwhile proceeding be- 
tween the English Court and the Continent. Danby 
disliked the French connection, but, to further his own 
interests, closed his eyes to it. To cement the English 
friendship with the Dutch was his first aim, and to 
this end he favoured the negotiations for marriage be- 
tween Mary, eldest daughter of James, Duke of York, 
and William, Prince of Orange. Monsieur William 
de Bentinck, as the representative of the Prince, had 
already visited England to confer on this subject.^ 
These negotiations must have been an entire secret 
from the members of the Council, for Sir Joseph 
Williamson knew nothing of what was going forward. 

Albemarle, in August, went abroad, ostensibly to 
join the Dutch army, where the Earl of Ossory had 
already gone. Monmouth and Feversham were dis- 
patched to France, that the balance of friendship 
might not be disturbed.^ But Albemarle had with 
him a permission to transport a large number of 
servants and fifteen horses to Ostend in Flanders, 
' Being for his own private use in his Travels.' ^ 
These travels were certainly conducted very privately, 
for Williamson confides to his own notebook : 

' Our English everywhere affronted in Flanders, 
even those who went to serve in the confederate troops 

^ Welbeck MSS., London, August 7, 1677. 

* The friend of the Prince of Orange, created Earl of Portland in 

^ Welbeck MSS. Andrew Marvell to Sir Edward Harlcy. 

* S.P. Dom., Chas. 11., vol. 334, iN'o. 405. 


as the Duke of Albemarle, not received at all in his 
passes through Brussells by the Governor.' ^ 

Albemarle was the kind of man who demanded 
and received much public attention, and we may 
be sure that this neglect in Brussels was of his own 

In less than two months he returned to Harwich 
on the pacquet boat. It would seem that his arrival 
was most unexpected to Silas Taylor, Williamson's 
agent at this port. This worthy, being summoned 
to the ducal presence, was commanded to report to 
the President of the Council that the Prince of Orange 
had accepted the use of * His Grace's Horses and 
Coaches.' ^ Albemarle, highly pleased with himself, 
posted off to Newmarket, perhaps bearing the tidings 
of the completion of the negotiations for the marriage, 
and, after an interview with the King and Duke, he 
returned to the port that he might be the first to 
welcome the Prince. The port of the Prince's arrival 
was not so much a matter of secrecy as a question 
of wind. The influence old ^olus had over State 
matters is amazing. Dynasties might tremble, 
battles might be lost for lack of reinforcements, con- 
spirators might fail of the tryst, but if the wind held 
in the east, England could take no action. The 
uncertain wind made philosophers of statesmen. 
The Duke of Albemarle at Harwich, the Dutch Am- 
bassador waiting at Ipswich, and some of His Majesty's 
coaches on the Suffolk side, made it certain that some 
notabilities would meet His Highness on his arrival.^ 
He finally did land at Harwich, to the delight of the 
waiting Duke, and together they departed in great 
haste to Newmarket. Early in October the Prince, 
with all the Court, returned to London, where the 

^ S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 336, No. 437. Williamson's Notes. 
* Ibid., vol. 396, No. 191. ^ Ibid., vol. 397, No. 191. 

104 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

marriage was celebrated on November 6, 1677. 
Ranelagh writes to Lord Conway of the occasion : 

' My dearest dear Lord, — Great rejoicings at 
the Prince of Orange's marriage, whicli was per- 
formed privately in the Duke's closet at St. James's 
on Sunday night last. About a fortnight hence, the 
young couple leave England. In the meantyme, 
nothing is thought of but mirth and fine clothes, of 
which I have none, being grown an old man.' ^ 

At the Queen's birthday ball the bride and bride- 
groom appeared and danced together to the admiration 
of Mr. Evelyn. The last of November the Prince and 
Princess departed on their journey to Holland. 

The friendship so auspiciously begun between the 
Prince of Orange and the Duke of Albemarle was not 
allowed to languish. In December, the Duke sent 
over to His Highness a present of dogs and pots of 
venison.- The Duchess, not to be outdone by her 
husband, entered into an agreement with William 
Chapman, the Duke's ' Gentleman of the Bedchamber 
and Privy Purse,' who had received a gift of a diamond 
ring from the Prince of Orange. Either the beauty 
of the ring or a romantic interest in the handsome 
young Prince excited the desires of the Duchess. She 
greatly coveted the ring. William Chapman declined 
to sell it, but was willing to lease it to the Duchess 
for life, on consideration of the yearly payment of 
twenty-hve pounds. The agreement reads as follows : 

' Know all men by these prcssents that I, Elisabeth, 
Dutches of Albemarle, doe promise to pay unto 
William Chapman yearly the summe of twenty-five 
pounds during my life and his life. That is to say, 
at the deceas of either life this obligation shall be 
voyd, on consideration of a diamond ring which was 
given the afor-sayd William Chapman by the Princ 

^ S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 397, No. 147. * Ibid., No. 75. 


of Orange In witness wherof I have hereunto set 
my hand and seal this six and twentyeth day of 
January, one thousand six hundred and seventy- 
seven. (167I). E. Albemarle. 
' Witness : EHzabeth Pudsay. 
Dorothy Levet. 
Mary Brown.' ^ 

So businessHke a promise should certainly have 
been fulfilled. But, some ten years later, on William 
Chapman's decease, it was found by his accounts that 
the Duchess had never paid one farthing of these 
yearly dues.^ 

The Duke made another journey to Holland in 
the spring of 1678. The Marquis of Worcester writes 
the news to his wife ; only a fragment of the letter is 
preserved. He tells her that the French and Dutch 
army are 

* very neere of an equality in all other respects, for 
'tis likely all but my Lord Ossary will come too late, 
there being news to-day of an engagement, and the 
Duke of Monmouth and Lord Feversham and the 
Earl of Plimouth going not till Tuesday, the two first 
to the French, the last to the Holland Army, and 
to-day the Duke of Albemarle and Lord Moulgrave 
the first to the Dutch, and second to the French, so that 
the King will have one sonne on one side, and one on the 
other, a Duke on one side and a Duke on the other, two 
Erls and two knights of the Garter on each side. I am 
sure you '11 be glad that another did not go to make 
it uneven, I mean your most affectionate husband.' ^ 

Lord Worcester's prophecies proved but too true. 
Although Albemarle hurried to Holland eager to grasp 
at miHtary honours, he was once more disappointed. 
Fighting was over for a time, and he was again 
in England on April 25, taking the Sacrament in 
preparation for the new session of Parliament. 

1 Welbeck MSS., January 1678. ^ Welbeck MSS. 

» Hist. MSS. Com., 12th Report, App. ix., Beaufort MSS., p. 67. 


With the autumn of 1678 came the disclosure of 
that widespread delusion, the Popish plot to kill the 
King, set up the Duke of York in his stead, and re- 
store the Roman Catholic Church to its former place. 
Very little fire produced a vast cloud of smoke. 
The murder of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, a zealous 
Protestant Justice of the Peace, before whom the 
details of the plot were publicly sworn, drove the 
country into a frenzy of blind injustice. All the 
Roman Catholic nobles were at once in deep disgrace, 
and, before all, the Duke of York. Five peers were 
thrown into the Tower under impeachment. Titus 
Gates, the informer, lodged in Whitehall, had his own 
guard and a pension of twelve hundred pounds a year. 
His daily disclosures claimed new victims, hangings 
and imprisonments followed, and it behoved even the 
most favoured and truly innocent to walk warily. 

Albemarle, ever loyal to the Crown, busied him- 
self in raising a new Regiment of Horse, for the 
King embraced every opportunity of increasing his 
standing army. With the new session of Parlia- 
ment in October, the influence of public excitement 
was even more evident, and, on October 30, the 
House of Lords passed a Bill to exclude all Roman 
Catholics from sitting in that body. On November 
30, Albemarle took the oaths and subscribed to the 
Declaration * for the more effectual preserving of the 
King's Person and Government by disabling Papists 

from Sitting in Either House of Parliament.' 


1678] THE POPISH PLOT 107 

The Duke of Newcastle had remained quietly in 
the country during these disturbances, letting his son- 
in-law attend to such public business as was needful. 
The following letter belongs to this November : 

'Albemarle House, November the iztk. 

' My Lord, — ^According to Your Graces command I 
have made your excuse, and when I have the honour 
to receive Your Grace's Proxy I shall use it to the 
best of my Judgment as I think Your Grace would 
give your vote if you were here, this being all at 
present that I have to trouble Your Grace withall, I 
beg leave to subscribe myselfe. My Lord, Your Grace's 
most faithful, and most obedient Sonne, and Servant, 

' Albemarle. 

* I beg my most humble duty may be presented to 
her Grace.' ^ 

This letter is sealed with the arms of Monck 
impaling the Cavendish arms surmounted by a 

The Lord Treasurer, Danby, convinced of the 
fictitious nature of the plot, made every effort to 
defend the Duke of York, and consequently found 
himself in deep waters. He had fallen out with 
Ralph Montagu, late his agent at the French Court, 
and this gentleman, returning to England, was elected 
to a seat in the House of Commons. Danby knew him 
to be a dangerous enemy, and, on his return, seized his 
papers. But the astute Montagu managed to secrete 
at least one of the first importance. This was nothing 
less than a letter from Danby empowering Montagu 
to stipulate for a payment by France to the King of 
England of six hundred thousand livres annually for 
three years, as the price of his neutrality. At the 
bottom were written the fateful words : ' This is 
written by my order, C. R.' The public excitement 

1 Welbeck MSS. 

io8 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

of this Christmas week had seldom been equalled in 
the course of English history. 

The King, endeavouring to save Danby from im- 
peachment and the Tower, saw nothing to do but 
dissolve Parliament. This Parliament had sat for 
eighteen years, and had been elected in the first wave 
of enthusiasm over the restoration of the monarchy. 
Although strongly Cavalier in its character, it had 
long been at variance with the King, and the chances 
were decidedly against the coming election bringing 
in anything but a majority of members diarretrically 
opposed to the Court party. 

Albemarle had now an opportunity to try his 
skill at an election, and on February 13, 167I, he 
writes to Lord Danby, giving his opinion of the 
strength of the various candidates for election from 
Essex.^ That the fight was * brisk ' ^ William Har- 
rington assures Thomas Littleton in describing one 
of the elections, and he continues : 

* They appeared in the field on Tuesday, supported 
by the Duke of Albemarle and most of the principal 
gentry. They were opposed by Col. Mildmay who, 
upon the refusal of Sir E. Mildmay the night before 
to join him, had taken in a young Mr. Honey wood. 
. . . Lord Gray of Warke managed the country very 
briskly for them, and the two parties nearly came to 
blows. Sir E. Mildmay 's party, though not a tenth in 
number, were drawn up in the field of their oponents, 
called for a poll. But after dragging it on to noon on 
Friday, they then retired on finding that they were 
in a hopeless minority.' 

A newsletter of the day continues : 

' The poll of Essex ended not well yesterday noon. 
It was a mighty election in point of Numbers, and 
several mischiefs had like to have happened. One 

» Leeds MSS., Hornby Castle. 

* Hist. MSS., I3<A Report, App. vi., Fitzherbert MSS., pp. 19-20. 


Mr. Turner was so rude that he struck Col. Mildmay 
(the successful candidate) on the face and pulled him 
by the Nose, giving him very ill language.' ^ 

The triumph of Colonel Mildmay was far from pleas- 
ing to the Duke of Albemarle, for he branded him one 
of the * fenathticks ' [fanatics]. ^ Another letter records 
how a countryman retorted * to a great man, who 
told him he had better be at home looking after his 
harvest, that he had rather trust God with his crop 
than the Devil with the choice of Parliament men. 
Others saying they would venture their corn to save 
their land.' 

More material support than the hand of Providence 
was invoked in most quarters. Mr. Evelyn complains 
in connection with his brother's election as Knight 
of the Shire for Surrey, that * the country coming in 
to give him their suffrages were so many, that I believe 
they eat and drank him out of near 2000 pounds, by 
a most abominable custom.' At Norwich, Sir Thomas 
Browne wrote : 

'Then was a strange consumption of beer, bread, 
and cakes. Abundance of people slept in the market- 
place, and lay like flocks of sheep in and about the 

In this crisis of events the King summoned Sir 
William Temple from his garden on the Thames. 
Under his advice, a new scheme for the formation of 
a Privy Council was drawn up. This, in order that 
all the members might consult together on State 
matters, was restricted to thirty men. That it might 
be above considerations of self-interest, and also 
represent authority, its members must be men of 
wealth ; their joint income must not fall beneath 

1 Quoted from Newdigate-Newdegate, Cavalier and Puritan, p. 131. 
» Leeds MSS., Hornby Castle. Letter of Albemarle to Lord Treasurer 
Danby, February 13, 167I. 


three hundred thousand pounds a year. Its character 
was half official and half popular. Under Temple's 
insistence, Halifax was summoned as a member 
by the reluctant King ; but the charm and wit of 
his conversation speedily won his Sovereign's re- 
gard. To the amazement of all parties, Lord Shaftes- 
bury was made President. Albemarle and the Duke 
of Newcastle received early appointments. This 
Council was a failure from the first. Shaftesbury's 
dismissal soon followed, leaving Halifax, Essex, and 
Sunderland to form a coalition nicknamed ' the 
triumvirate.' The other members of the Council 
were now mere figureheads. Albemarle's attendance 
was rare ; and unless he had some private end in 
view his name seldom appears among those present. 
On the other hand, he was constant in his attendance 
at the House of Lords. 

The new Parliament, elected at such vast expense 
of beer and gold, struggled through a three months' 
session, leaving but one result of their meeting worthy 
of record — the Habeas Corpus Act, and ' that only 
passed its third reading in the House of Lords because 
the Whig tellers, in joke, counted one very fat lord 
as ten.' ^ 

A storm, however, was brewing in Parliament which 
could not fail to break before many days had passed. 
The Duke of York had been ordered to Brussels 
to avoid disaster. Lord Danby, on the other hand, 
was obliged to endure calumny as best he might. In 
exasperation he writes to the King concerning the 
treatment received by him at the hands of the Duke 
of Monmouth: 

' Whose animosity against the writer has moved 
his Grace to declare pubHcly that he (Danby) ought 
not to be allowed to plead the King's pardon. And 

^ Cambridge Modern History, vol. v. p. 224. 


Sir Thomas Armstrong had some hot words yesterday 
with the Duke of Albemarle to the same purpose, and 
said the Nation could not be safe whilst I was in being. '^ 

Also the Duke of York complained to his son-in- 
law, William of Orange, from Brussels, June 8, 1679 : 

' I know so well the concerns you have for me as 
easily to believe the trouble all these extravagant 
proceedings of the House of Commons against me has 
givene you. I did not thinke they could have been 
so violent, and have so sone forgott the oath of Allegi- 
ance that they had so lately taken, but when we con- 
sider how strong the Presbiterians are in that house 
it is not so extraordinary a thing for they will never 
fail to lay hold of any oppertunity to downe with 
monarky, and S'' Tho: Clargis made a very good 
remarke in the speech he made against the bill, that 
most of those that were for itt, I think he sayd all, 
were either Presbiterians or their sonns, but I hope 
these and some other proceedings of the Commons 
will have so allarumed his Ma: [Majesty] and the 
Lords that he will at least take some vigorous resolu- 
tion and they will stand by me.' ^ 

As a pawn in the political game, Monmouth was 
now of the first importance. The discovery of the 
Popish plot had thrown the nation into a frenzy of 
alarm. Men dreamed of the fires of Smithfield and 
the terrors of the Holy Office. When they considered 
the prospect of a Roman Catholic king in the person 
of James, Duke of York, their terrors were renewed. 
Statesmen deftly fanned these fears, and the result 
was Shaftesbury's famous Exclusion Bill, which was 
designed to prevent the Duke of York from inheriting 
the crown of Great Britain and Ireland, and which 
dominated politics for the next two years. Who 
should be heir in James's stead divided the factions 
still more violently. William, Prince of Orange, son 

1 PTist MSS. Com., gth Report, part ii. p. 45G. 

* Manuscripts of the Rt. Hon. F. J. Savile Foljambe, Osberton. 

112 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

of the daughter of Charles i., was the choice of Lord 
Danby and his followers. If Charles il.'s queen 
remained childless and James had no son, he would 
reign in any case, as his wife was the eldest child of 
James. The terms of the Exclusion Bill placed him 
one instead of two steps from the throne. 

Shaftesbury, father of the Bill, drew his poHtical 
strength from the Nonconformists. Their candidate 
and his was the Duke of Monmouth. Shaftesbury^ 
started the false storj^ of a m^^sterious black box said 
to contain a contract of marriage between Charles ii. 
and Monmouth's mother, Lucy Waters, The Coun- 
cil and people at large were much agitated by 
this tale. So much so, that when the King became 
seriously ill, in August 1679, Lord Halifax, alarmed 
at what might happen, hastily recalled the Duke of 
York, lest he should be out of reach at the moment 
of the King's death. The King, however, recovered, 
Monmouth was banished to the Netherlands, while 
the Royal brothers returned to London amid bonfires 
and ringing of bells. Hahfax at this juncture re- 
tired from office, and the Duke of York, after another 
brief visit to Brussels, returned to receive a great 
ovation from the City of London before his departure 
for Edinburgh. 

Although Monmouth was suffering banishment, his 
empty but beautiful head was quite turned by the 
prospect held out to him by Lord Shaftesbuiy and his 
party. He had always been a spoiled child from his 
first introduction at Court, and his father, the King, 
had forgiven him many an escapade. But when he 
returned to England, without permission, and in- 
solently struck the baton-sinister from his arms, he 
stretched the bonds of Charles's good nature too far. 
In spite of his earnest prayers, the King refused to see 
him, and commanded him to leave the Court. Men- 


mouth so far obeyed as to leave London, but only to 
go on a semi-royal progress through the west, attended 
by shouts of the populace, who acclaimed him the 
' Protestant Duke.' In his character of Prince of 
Wales he touched for the King's Evil. 

Dire and swift was the punishment that befell him. 
Monmouth held numberless ofhces, both civil and 
military, and from all of these he was summarily 
removed. The King had not far to look for another 
favourite upon whom to bestow these vacant offices. 
He summoned the Duke of Albemarle from Newhall ^ 
in haste. In response to the royal command the 
Duke arrived at Whitehall late the same night, when 
the King made him Captain of His Majesty's Life 
Guards of Horse on the spot,^ and Captain and 
Colonel of the ist (King's own) Troop of Horse. 
His commission reads : 

* Ch. R. To Duke of Albemarle, Capt. of Guards. 

' We reposing our especiall trust in your loyalty 
and experience in military affairs doe hereby appoint 
you to be Captain of all the Guards of Horse, Life 
Guards of Horse levyed and raised and shall be levyed 
and raised to attend our person in that quality in 
the roome of James, Duke of Monmouth. Giving 
you hereby authority to arme, traine, exercise, order 
and command them in all things according to the use 
of warr and as belongeth to the Power and office of a 
Captain of our Life Guard of Horse and to hold and 
enjoy all such rights and priviledges, Preheminence 
Honours and Allowances as are in any way appertain- 
ing to the charge and office of Captain of all our Life 
Guard. — You are to obey such orders and commands 
as you shall from time to time receive from us only.* 

'■Nov. 29, 1679.' 

^ Correspondence of the Family of Hatton (Camden Soc, 1878), vol. i. 
p. 207. 

2 Luttrel's Diary, vol. i. p. 27. 

2 Quoted from Arthur, The Story of the Household Cavalry, vol. i. 
p. 141-2, note 5. 

114 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

To Monmouth, the sight of his junior, Albemarle, 
commanding his Horse Guards was most galling. 
For Albemarle, who had once followed so admiringly 
after Monmouth in many a midnight revel, had, in 
these later years, kept close to the King's person, and 
voted with the King's party, until he had become the 
trusted supporter of both the King and the Duke 
of York. That very summer, just before the King's 
illness, he had attended him at Windsor and accom- 
panied him to Hampton Court. From this palace he 
later joined the King in his barge on a visit to 
Deptford to view the launching of the Sterling Castle, 
a new third-rate frigate. From thence the royal 
party betook themselves by sea to Portsmouth — for 
King Charles in these days took an unwonted interest 
in his navy.^ 

The Popish plot had resulted in death to many, 
fines and imprisonment for more ; even at the end 
of two years its fury had not been exhausted. Albe- 
marle was still called upon to give orders for the 
pursuit of suspected persons among his old neighbours 
in Essex — a duty which must have been painful to one 
of his friendly nature. 

* Collnel Warcup, being informed upon Oath that one 
Paulson a Jesuit and Procurator for the Jesuits in the 
County of Essex, and places adjoining, had been lately 
seen in the House of Old Lady Petrc, Mother to the 
Lord Petrc in the tower, and that there was a great 
probability of his being there still, gave notice thereof 
to the Lords of the Council who immediately gave 
order that his Grace the Duke of Albemarle should 
give directions to all the Depty-Leutenants to search 
the House with a considerable force as well as for the 
said Paulson as for what writings and papers they 
could find. . . . The Old Lady being demanded upon 
her Honour whether the said Paulson were in her 

* Domestic Intelligence, Tuesday, August 5, 1679. 


House or no, her Answer was that she would not speak 
an untruth upon her Honour, neither would she betray 
him if he were there, but gave them full liberty to 
make as long and as diligent a search as they could.' ^ 

Amid these great affairs, Albemarle had time to 
engage in one of his favourite amusements, that of 
coursing with greyhounds — a sport in which he had 
long been interested. ^ The Duke of Ormonde evi- 
dently looked upon greyhound racing with contempt, 
and a correspondent, Colonel Cooke, writes to him in 
this wise from London : 

* A monsterous nationall concerne of a grey -hound 
match between the Duke of Albemarle and Sir Ralph 
Dutton obligeing my judgship to appearr hear, . . . 
Yesterday, the two great antagonists for the lawrell 
of being the best grey-hound master have matchd five 
greyhounds for one hundred pounds each dog and one 
more. The odd match to be run the first day the 
weather will permit. The judg for both, I have 
backd my country man with fifty-five ginys. Of the 
successe Your Grace may expect a perfect account 
heare after.' ^ 

Unfortunately, the promised letter was never written, 
or the Duke of Ormonde did not preserve it, for we 
have no record of the success of the * two great 

Letters are rare during these years — perhaps de- 
stroyed at a time so full of distrust. We must depend 
upon the semi-weekly newspapers for news of the 
Duke's affairs. 

' Newmarket. — On the i8th Instant was a Race Run 
for 100 pounds between the Duke of Albemarle and 

^ The True News, or Mercurius Anglicus, No. 28, February 29. 

2 Among the Belvoir MSS. there is an account of ten shilUngs having 
been paid to the Duke of Albemarle's servant who had brought a leash 
of greyhound whelps to Lord Roos. 

3 Hist. MSS. Com., 6th Report, App., Ormonde MSS., November 18, 
1679, p. 741. 

ii6 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

Mr. Ossley the six mile course. Mr. Ossley rid his 
Own gelding himself against the Duke's Horse which 
is called Tinker. There was great odds against Mr. 
Ossley, but he won the Race. His Majesty and His 
Royal Highness were on Horse back to see it run.' ^ 

* The Duke of Albemarle had a Wrestling, etc., at his 
House for the better diversion of the Best of men ' 
[The King ?].2 

* A difference lately happening betwixt 2 Gentle- 
men of the Guard, wherein a Duel had ensued had 
not his Grace the Duke of Albemarle interposed, and 
by his wonted goodness obliged them to obedience 
to his Majesty's late Proclamation and their own 
old friendship.' ^ 

The Court was again at Newmarket in the spring 
of 1680, and John Stewkeley writes to Sir Ralph 
Verney (April 29, 1680) : 

' On Tuesday, the King went to Newmarket. He 
dined at Audley Inn (End), treated at night by the 
Duke of Albemarle.'* 

The Privy Council journal shows that the Duke was 
in London throughout June, attending with unwonted 
zeal the frequent meetings of the Council. The 
Colonial papers report him acting as Lord High 
Constable of Carolina, and appointing all military 
officers in that colony. Throughout August he was 
absent from Council meetings, but in September he 
was once more in London. 

October was a month of strain and tension. The 
Exclusion Bill had passed the Commons, and a bitter 
fight might be expected in the House of Lords. The 
names of Whig and Tory for the opposing parties 
had now come into common use, and the parties them- 

^ Smith's Current Intelligencer, No. 12, March 20-3, 1680. 

* Mercurius Civicus, No. 7, April 8, 1680. 

* Ibid., No. 9, April 14, 1680. 

* Hist. MSS. Com., jth Report, App. i., Verney Letters, p. 47S. 


selves were more sharply defined than their Immediate 
predecessors of the town and country. The Whigs 
were in the ascendant, and the Green Ribbon Club 
flourished. Its meetings at the King's Head Tavern 
at the bottom of Chancery Lane were attended by 
Shaftesbury himself. The final overthrow of the Bill 
took place November 19, when hour followed hour 
of debate before the King and a crowded House. 
The King was heard to whisper ' the kiss of Judas,' 
when Monmouth urged the passage of the Bill as the 
onh^ means to safeguard the King's life. Halifax re- 
plied to every onslaught of the Whigs by a series of 
brilliant speeches — fifteen or sixteen times he spoke 
that day, and finally at nine o'clock at night the Bill 
was overwhelmingly defeated by a vote of sixty-three 
to thirty. The Commons were furious, supplies were 
refused, and a Bill introduced to form a Protestant 
Association for the government of the country with 
Monmouth at its head. 

Parliament had yet another duty to perform before 
the year was concluded, in the trial of Lord Stafford 
for plotting against the King's life. Evelyn gives 
many details of this occasion. Westminster Hall 
served as a background, where were both Houses 
of Parliament seated with great dignity, and an 
especial box provided for the King, and another for 
the Court ladies. At the opposite end sat Lord 
Stafford, dignified, admirable in his carriage. He 
was sixty-nine years old on the very day of his trial. 
Grouped with him were the Lieutenant of the Tower, 
the fateful axe-bearer, the guards, and the prisoner's 
two daughters. Old Sergeant Maynard led for the 
managers of the trial, * being now nearly eighty years 
old, the same who had prosecuted the cause against 
the Earl of Strafford forty years before.' It was a 
painful occasion and a sight from which many shrank, 


ii8 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

so that * the Lords made an order that if any peer 
who was in town, without absolute proof that he 
was not able to be there, should absent himself at 
this vote. . . . Whosoever he was he should be sent 
to the Tower.' 

Lord Stafford defended himself with energy and 
ability, but to no avail. The Peers voted individu- 
ally, each arising as his name was called and laying his 
hand upon his heart, answered guilty or not guilty, 
adding ' upon my honour.' The final count con- 
demned the prisoner to a traitor's death . Lord Halifax 
and the Duke of Newcastle were among the minority. 
' All the other Dukes, to wit : Cumberland, that is 
Prince Rupert, Monmouth, Albemarle, and Lauder- 
dale, voted him guilty.' ^ ' Many Lords that were 
neer relations to the Prisoner voted against him,' for 
he was not a favourite in his family circle. This was 
on December 5, and the execution took place on 
Tower Hill on the 29th. 

The times were ominous. Men looked about for 
signs and portents. Even scientific Mr. Evelyn, 
looking out of his chamber window one DecemlDer 
night, towards the west, viewed with foreboding : 

' A meteor of an obscure bright colour, very much in 
shape like the blade of a sword, the rest of the sky 
very serene and clear.' * What this may portend, 
God only knows,' he exclaims. ' . . . I pray God 
avert his judgments.' 

» Hist. MSS. Com., 14M Report, Kenyon MSS., p. 105. 


In January 1681 the King prorogued and then dis- 
solved ParHament. Another election was therefore 
imminent. The ancient charters not only of the City 
of London, but of many country towns, had been re- 
moved by the King's order, and new charters more 
advantageous to the Crown had been issued. Albe- 
marle, in consequence, received several letters such 

as this : 

'Feb. 168?. 

' May it please your Grace, — Wee thinke it our 
Duty to returne your Grace our most humble and 
hearty thankes for the new Charter which Wee have 
received from his Ma^y by your Grace's favour. Wee 
have unanimously and with greate pleasure chosen 
our two Worthy Friends to set in Parliament which 
formerly served us, and now recommended by your 
Grace Which oblidges us to subscribe as We really are, 
— Your Grace's Most humble and obedient Serv'^, 

Jno. Rolfe.' 1 

(And sixteen other signers.) 

Albemarle did not enter into this election with the 
same enthusiasm that he had shown on the former 
occasion. His new military duties interested him far 
more. * The new Commandant of the Life Guards ' 
(i.e. the Duke of Albemarle), observes a contem- 
porary record, ' since he hath been Captain of the 
Guards, hath made a reform, putting out all Papists 
and others Popishly affected that he could find 

1 Montagu House MSS. Sir Philip Pariier and Sir Thomas Middleton, 
who were re-elected for Harwich at this election. 



therein.' ^ As an anti-climax to this zeal, Smith's 
Protestant Intelligence, No. 9, records : 

* London, Feb. 23. — On Sunday last about One or 
Two of the Clock in the morning, his Grace the Duke 
of Albemarle returning to Town from the Election at 
Colchester, his Coach was stopp'd by the City Guards 
who declared to their Captain that they suspected 
the persons in the Coach for Priests ; but upon the 
Captain's coming to the coach, and knowing his Grace, 
the Captain begged his Pardon for their Stopping him, 
and allowed the Coach to pass through the City to his 
Lordship's house.' 

Others were more actively interested in the coming 
session of Parliament. Lord Danby, now in the 
Tower and still untried, continued to advise the King 
by letter. It was his suggestion that the new Par- 
liament should meet at Oxford to avoid the hos- 
tile atmosphere of London. The Whigs were again 
triumphant at the election and pledged to uphold the 
Exclusion Bill, the Association, and the restriction 
of the King's right to prorogue and dissolve Parlia- 
ment, and they rode down to Oxford surrounded by 
bands of armed retainers. The Government, not to 
be outdone, put the Tower, Windsor Castle, Lambeth 
Palace and Whitehall in a state of defence, and posted 
a regiment along the road to Oxford for the protection 
of the King. 

Meantime stirring preparations were being made 
in the old University town. 

' The Common Council voted that no soldier 
shall be quartered within the City.' * The Vice- 
Chancellor hath issued forth his Order, or to 
give it you in the University term — Programa, — 
prohibiting all Scholars from frequenting Taverns, 
Ale-Houses and Coffee Houses during his Ma^>'^ 
residence there, upon penalty of being entered into 
the Black Book ; which it is observed, will pre- 

* Arthur, The Story of the Household Caulry, vol. i. p. 142 


vent all manner of disputes which may accidentally 
happen betwixt the Scholars and the Members of 

The King sent word that he wished Corpus 
Christi, Christ Church, and University Colleges 'for 
his appointment,' and that ' he would send the Lord 
Chamberlain down to prepare them,' Consequently, 
' All the Students of Oxford under the degree of 
Master of Arts are ordered to retire to their friends 
to make room for the Court.' It was affirmed that 
the innkeepers of Oxford stubbornly refused to 
quarter any of His Majesty's guards, either foot or 
horse, and had humbly prayed His Majesty to dispose 
of them in other ways,^ 

The King, Queen, and Court arrived some days 
before the date set for the opening of Parliament. 
The King spent the interval most pleasantly : 

' His Majesty went yester in his Coach about six of 
the clock, attended by the Duke of Grafton, the Duke 
of Albemarle, the Earl of Feversham, and several 
other noblemen to Burford and at Whitney His 
Majesty took Horse, there waiting for his coming 
several Gentlemen and others. His Majesty went 
Hawking across the Country to Burford, where the 
Bailiff, attended with the Officers of the Town, pre- 
sented His Majesty with a Rich Silverlac'd Saddle 
with Haulsters and bridle, worth about fifty Guineas.' * 

The Queen was not the only lady who travelled 
down to Oxford, The True Protestant Mercury, 
No. 25, records : 

' His Majesty was pleased to be present at the first 
play here, beeing Tamerline {sic) the Great, where 
also was the Duchess of Portsmouth and Madam 
Guin (Nell Gwynn).' 

The Parliament, secured after so much preparation, 

* Newdigate-Newdegate, Cavalier and Puritan, p. 137. 

- Ibid., p. 140. 

2 Smith's Protestant Intelligence, No. 16, March 21-4. 

122 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

lived but one short week. The King had come to 
an. understanding with France, and was assured of 
sufficient income from King Louis. The Commons 
insisted on passing the Exckision Bill. While they 
debated the King unexpectedly summoned them to 
his presence. To quote Burnet's w^ords : 

' Very suddenly, and not very decently, he (the King) 
came to the House of Lords, the Crown being carried 
between his feet in a sedan : and he put on his Robes 
in haste, without any previous notice, and called up 
the Commons, and disolved parliament ; and went 
in such haste to Windsor that it looked as if he was 
afraid of the crowds this meeting had brought to 
Oxford.' 1 

The newsletter continues : 

* Here are various discourses concerning the disolu- 
tion of Parliament, as to the Consternation of the 
Inhabitants of Oxford, who had made provision for 
three months, and the very hour the Parliament was 
dissolved it was discoursed they would sit till 
August.' ^ 

Albemarle's attitude toward public affairs at this 

moment is stated in his circular letter written with 

his own hand to his Deputy-Lieutenants of Militia in 

Devon : 

' Newhall, z-^rd Aprill 1681. 

' Gentlemen,— I have received yours of the 15th 
from Exeter at your last meeting there, and am sorry 
to heare that the militia is in noe better posture and 
that you make noe greater appearance at your 
general meetings, which I desire may be amended 
for the future, as a matter very much conducing to 
his Ma^'^^ Service, especially in these times when 
loyall men ought frequently to meet and joyne to- 
gether to disapoint the wicked desines of rebellious 
and seditious people for the preservation of the 

> Burnet, History of His Oivn Time (London, iSiS), vol. ii. p 112. 

* Cavalier and Puritan, p. 140. 


From the iiiiniatiirc painted by L. Crosse In 1680, no2v in the />ossess!On of 
Mr. E. M. Hodgkins 


peace of the gover(n)ment as it is established in 
Church and State by law, Whereby, & by noe other 
rule his Ma*'^ intends to governe according to his 
late most gracious declaration. I need say noe more 
to persons soe loyall and well affected to his Ma*'^^ 
service only to desire you according to your wonted 
care & zeale to meete as often as you may till you 
have settled the militia in such a good posture as it 
ought to be, & therein you shall be sure to have the 
best assistance that I can give you, expecting to 
heare constantly from you of your proceedings 
therein, So wishin (g) you all good successe & happines, 
I rest. Gentlemen, Your most assured and affectionate 
friend to Serve you, Albemarle. 

* Endorsed. — A cop(y) of a Ire sent to S"^ Copleston 
Bamphfeild, Sir H. Acland, Bar^^s & gr -pho. Carew 
K"*^ or to eyther of y'" to be Communicated to ye 
rest of ye D. Le^^ [Deputy-Lieutenants] at Exeter 
Devon.' ^ 

Never did he more truly than at this time ex- 
emplify the motto of his house, ' Fortiter, fidelitur, 

The unexpected ending of Parliament sent Albe- 
marle back to London in a state of great jubilation. 
His master had triumphed at last, and Parliament 
need no more be considered.^ He himself received 
as the reward of loyalty another Joint Lord-Lieu- 
tenancy, this time of Wiltshire, and he was the 
constant companion of the King. His conduct grew 
more high-handed, and he insensibly gave forth more 
impressment in his bearing. He had scarcely reached 
London before Fate spread a pitfall for his feet. 

1 Montagu House MSS. 

In spite of the state of public affairs the Newmarket races were not 
forgotten. The following notice appeared in March : ' Mouse, the 
Duke of Monmouth's gelding against the Duke of Albemarle's grey 
golding, the best of three heats, 12 stone for 200 pounds.' — The 
Domestic Intelligence, No. 70, March 21, 1680. 

* Parliament did not meet again in this reign. 

124 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

Captain Bevil Skelton/ perhaps to celebrate the dis- 
comfiture of the Whigs, gave a supper party at his 
house, where were gathered, among * divers others,' 
the Duke of Albemarle and Colonel George Legge.^ 
These two named guests sat at supper deep in dis- 
course. The discussion turned on the Duke's con- 
tract for the garrison of Plymouth, of which town 
Legge was Governor, and it suddenly ' grew hot.' 
The merry revellers were startled to hear, ' You 're 
a rascal,' shouted by the irate Colonel at the ex- 
cited Duke. Quick as thought the Duke hurled his 
glass, wine and all, in the Colonel's face. It is a 
miracle that the bottle did not follow the glass. 
Blows would have been added had not the company 
thrown themselves on the combatants and forcibly 
restrained them. One frightened guest sped to the 
King with news of what was imminent. Whereupon 
the King commanded them, upon their allegiance, 
not to stir nor presume to fight. ' And there it 
stops,' says gossip.^ 

Private concerns were also filling the mind of the 
Duke at this time. For, in June, he sealed and 
executed at Albemarle House the Deed of Release 
which played such a prominent part in the great law- 
suit concerning the Duke's wills. By this deed he, 
in the event of his remaining childless, deeded to 
Lord Bath all of his possessions, reserving for himself 
only the life interest in the estate. Lord Bath was 
present on this occasion, and the witnesses were well- 
known friends of both parties.* 

^ Burnet speaks of him as ' one of the haughtiest but withal the 
weakest of men.' He served as envoj' to Vienna, Venice, and the 
German courts. Vol. ii. p. 243. 

* Created Baron Dartmouth, December 2, 1682. 

' Hist. MSS. Com., i^th Report, Kcnyon MSS., p. 186. Guicciardini 
VV'entworth to R. Kenyon. 

* Chan. Froc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9. 


Albemarle had ordered that this settlement should 
be kept a close secret, but Lord Bath could not resist 
the temptation to tell the story of his happy prospects 
to the members of his own family. Lady Lansdown, 
his daughter-in-law, so far forgot discretion as to 
repeat the tale, in strictest confidence of course, to 
Lady Clarges. This lady, wife of Sir Walter Clarges, 
Albemarle's cousin and early playfellow, felt it her 
duty in ' respect and kindness to the Duchess of Albe- 
marle ' to acquaint her with what was going forward. 
From that moment Albemarle was never free from 
the importunities of his wife to alter his decision.^ 
This deed also changed and enlarged the marriage 
settlement of the Duchess in case of his death. In 
this matter the Duke and Duchess of Newcastle were 
consulted, and their satisfaction in the new settle- 
ment is amply recorded in letters still preserved at 
Montagu House. 

Albemarle's popularity at Court was not without 
its drawbacks, for, on the presentation of an address 
from some gentlemen of the Middle Temple to the 
King, His Majesty gave them thanks and ordered 
the Duke of Albemarle to entertain them at dinner.^ 
He was soon, however, to spread his table for a far 
more illustrious guest. After much diplomatic cor- 
respondence and consultation of statesmen, the Prince 
of Orange had come again to London. 

' On Thursday the Prince of Orange came to Arling- 
ton House, where he was treated at the King's charge. 
On Friday he dined at the Duke of Albemarle's.' ^ 

Lord Arlington proved his frugal qualities, but 

^ Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9. Deposition of Sir Walter 
Clarges, Bart. 

^ Luttrell's Diary, vol. i. p. loi. 

^ The Currant Intelligence, No. 29, Saturday, July 30, to Tuesday, 
August 2, 1681. 

126 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

Albemarle paid for the entertainment given at Albe- 
marle House, and a splendid one it was. Of it The 
Loyal Protestant records that it was * a noble dinner.'^ 

The entertainment of the Prince greatly occupied 
the Court. Windsor was the scene of the next 

* On Wednesday last (Aug. 3) there was a great 
match of Wrastling at Windsor betwixt the Duke of 
Albemarle's servants and those of the Earl of Pem- 
broke, of which his Majesty, the Prince of Orange, 
together with many persons of quality, were Spec- 
tators.' - 

Interest centred in the illustrious guest, and the news- 
papers forgot to tell the world of the result of this 
contest, but The Loyal Protestant is more generous with 
details of a like occasion during the same summer. 

This was also a wrestling match * where the abettors 
were the Monarch and the Duke of Albemarle, each 
being represented by twelve men.' Behold the scene 
gaily spread in the meadow below Windsor Castle, 
where a ring or enclosure was formed. The Queen 
and her ladies, fair but distant spectators, looked 
down upon the scene from the terrace. Not too 
distant, however, to distinguish the red waistcoats 
of the King's men from the blue of the Duke's, and 
many a pretty wager passed among them as the 
struggle progressed. The King, as one of the ' abet- 
tors,' sat in the royal coach inside the enclosure, 
while his antagonist, ' the Duke (of Albemarle), 
mixed with the crowd,' where his activity excited much 
applause. When one of the number offered foul play, 
the Duke punished him by * tripping up his heels.' 

The first victory lay with the Duke, and he cheer- 

* The Loyal Protestant, August 2, 1681. 

* The Currant Intelligence, No. 30, Tuesday, August 2, to Saturday, 
August 6, 1681. 


fully pocketed two hundred guineas, the amount of 
the wager. The victorious wrestlers received twenty 
shillings each, while the defeated men were content 
with half that amount. 

' After which the King's men challenged the Duke's 
at backsword. In which exercise, some being unskil- 
ful, others were taken in to complete the number. 
This was performed with great skill and courage, but 
not attended with those barbarous circumstances 
which were usual with the Roman Gladiators, who 
to shew the Emperor sport, sheathed their Swords in 
one another's bowels. Our most clement and gracious 
King abominating all acts of cruelty, the issue of this 
was only some broken pates and the palm was again 
given to the Blues.' After this second defeat, the 
record says, ' the King's men were heated and unwil- 
ling that the Duke should carry all before him. So 
they determined to tr}^ once more. This time the 
challenge was to a game of football. The Duke and 
his men were nothing loth. Hastily the Goals are 
staked out and the ball placed,' ' the Duke held the 
handkerchief over the ball, the letting fall of which 
was the signal to give the start. And the handker- 
chief a reward to him who got the first kick, which 
was one of the Duke's own men.' 

This valiant fellow had been in all the sports so 
' signally active ' as to draw upon himself the royal 
approval. ' His Majesty took particular notice of him, 
and gave him a guinea.' ' Fortune still appeared on 
the Duke's side,' and the honours of the football game 
were also his. Yet notwithstanding, ' His Majesty 
seemed highly pleased with that day's divertisment.' 

To return to England's guest, the Prince of 
Orange : 

' The same evening the said Prince took leave of 
their Majesties and the whole Court, in order to his 
Return to Holland. His Highness came that night 
to Arlington House, where he was treated at his 

128 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

Majesty's charge, and the next day went to New Hall 
in Essex, where he was splendidly entertained by his 
Grace the Duke of Albemarle.' ^ 

The Currant Intelligence continues the narrative : 

' Last night about six of the clock came hither 
(Harwich) His Highness the Prince of Orange, accom- 
panied by His Grace the Duke of Albemarle, and 
several other Persons of Quality. The Yachts ap- 
pointed for His Highness transportation into Holland 
not being come, he was resolved to have gone forthwith 
in one of our pacquet Boats, which was immediately 
got ready for His Highness against he had refreshed 
himself at His Majesty's charge ; but about 9 of 
the clock that night the Yacht appearing before our 
Harbour he took boat.' ^ 

So Albemarle became a more and more striking 
figure at Court, and at the Newmarket races this year 
he again entertained the King : 

' He supped last night at the Duke of Albemarle's, 
and all the jockeys with him, in order to make some 
horse matches.' ^ 

That autumn public interest was diverted with 
much talk and some scandal concerning a young and 
beautiful widow, the Countess of Ogle, and the story 
touched the Duke of Albemarle somewhat nearly. She, 
the last heir of the great Percy name, was a charming 
young girl, with red hair and pouting lips, of the 
plump type so greatly admired in the days of the 
Restoration.^ At the age of twelve years she had 
been married to the Duchess of Albemarle's brother, 
young Lord Ogle. But he, dying in his eighteenth 
year,^ left his young widow without suitable pro- 

* The Currant Intelligence, No. 30, August 2-6, iGSi. 

- Ibid., No. 31, Saturday, August 6, to Tuesday, August 9, 1681. 

* Hist. MSS. Com., yth Report, App., p. 513, September 25, 1681. 
Daniel Finch to his wife. 

•• Lady Ehzabeth Percy. See portrait at Welbeck Abbey. 
" November i, 1680. 


tectors. While the two great families of Cavendish 
and Percy discussed the possession of her fortune, 
the young girl was left to the inefficient protection 
of her grandmother, Lady Northumberland, for her 
mother was already married to Ralph Montagu, for 
whom rich widows held an irresistible attraction. 
Lady Ogle secretly married Mr. Tom Thynn, one 
fine day, but speedily tired of the gentleman, and, 
to the horror of all her relatives, disappeared. 
Rumour said that she had betaken herself to ' my 
Lord Duke of Albemarle's protection,' ^ But the 
truth was that, pretending a desire to purchase some 
plate, she drove in her own coach to the Old Exchange, 
where, descending, she gave orders that her servants 
should await her return. These servants were, of 
course, somewhat in her confidence, for they awaited 
her return till eight o'clock in the evening, when, 
returning to Lady Northumberland, they gave the 
alarm. Great was the search for the lost lady. She 
was not with the Duke and Duchess of Albemarle, 
and it finally transpired that she had gone abroad 
to the protection of Lady Temple, wife of the ambas- 
sador in Holland. The end of the story was tragedy. 
She had already attracted the attention of Count 
Koningsmark. He determined to marry the heiress 
at all costs, and going over to London, with some of 
his own German mercenaries, contrived to have them 
set upon Mr. Tom Thynn in his coach as he drove 
through Piccadilly, where they wounded him so 
severely that Lady Ogle was very soon a second time 
a widow. Koningsmark was arrested, and great was 
the scandal. In his distress he wrote to Albemarle, 
who furnished him with sympathy, but nothing else.^ 

1 Belvoir MSS. Charles Bertie to the Countess of Rutland. 
* The letters which passed between Koningsmark and Albemarle 
are preserved among the Montagu House MSS. 

130 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

The matter was finally adjusted when the actual 
murderers were executed, and the Count, shamefully 
acquitted by the jury, escaped to France, where he 
renewed his suit to Lady Ogle,^ but without success. 
Two years later she was happily married to the 
Duke of Somerset, who had such great satisfaction 
in her manners and her ancient lineage that after 
her death, when he had contracted a second marriage, 
he reproved his new wife, who had laid her hand 
upon his shoulder in an uninvited caress, with the 
words : 

* My first wife, who was a Percy, never presumed 
upon such a familiarity.' 

This year, so full of great deeds, closed with a 
whisper of scandal concerning the Duke of Albemarle 
himself. The following letter tells its own story : 

The Earl of Westmorland to the Duke of Albemarle 

*Jermin Street, Nov. 28, 1681. 

' Being so highly elevated with your wine, which 
you gave me, may in some measure plead my excuse 
for presuming to contend with you at a game I never 
saw before, and then paying not long after 500 
pounds, which was a sum far greater than I use to 
play for, I hope it may upon Second thoughts be 
thought by you a sufBcient acknowledgement of my 
folly — which I ought to pay for. These reasons, 
and my Lord Oxford's acquainting you how very 
prejudicial it stands with my fortune to pay more, I 
hope will satisfy your Grace.' ^ 

Lord Westmorland should not have complained, 
for he was in the height of the mode. Dorothy, Lady 

* Dean Swift nicknamed the lady 'Carrots from Northumberland,' 
and this pleasantry costliim a bishopric. — Sidney, Diary of the Times of 
Charles II., vol. ii. pp. 224-5, note. 

* Hist. MSS. Com., \^th Report, Montagu of Beaulieu MSS., p. 177. 

i68i] L'AUTRE LEU 131 

Sunderland had written to Lord Halifax hardly a 
twelvemonth earlier to tell him that : 

' My Lord Cavendish had taken up money, at fifty 
and three score pounds in a hundred, to go into 
France, and he lost a thousand in two nights at 
Madame Mazarins (Hortense Mancini), That stops 
his journey for a time,' 

Lord Sunderland, Chief Secretary of State, playing 
at basset, gambled away five thousand pounds in 
a single night. High play was the delight of both 
men and women. When Lord Thanet desired the 
place of Chamberlain to the Queen, he made his 
court * in letting one of the bedchamber women play 
his money with Her Majesty at I'autre leu.' ^ The 
King himself did not disdain to fill his purse at the 
expense of foreign visitors. This same letter records 
that : 

* The King, Queen, Duchess of Portsmouth, and my 
Lord Feversham made a bank of 2000 pounds and 
they won 2700 pounds of the Frenchmen.' 

^ Quoted from Cartwright, Sacharissa. Dorothy Sidney to Lord 
Halifax. MSS. of the Duke of Devonshire. 


Throughout these tumultuous months of 1681, the 
Duke of York had remained discreetly in Edin- 
burgh. From thence he wrote to Colonel Legge to 
condole with him for the loss of some office and also 
to rejoice : 

' That the Duke of Albemarle is to have it, since 
you were to part with it, for he is true to the 
Crowne.' ^ 

Ten days later the Duke of Newcastle wrote to the 
Earl of Danby, dating from Nottingham Castle : 

' My wife went erly this day to Wellbeck, retorning 
to-day, to order our little building there soe that we 
may goe there three weekes hence. Wee are certaine, 
God willing, to have my daughter Albemarle here a 
Thorsday.' ^ 

And later, the Duke writes to the same friend : 

' I know your Lordship loves me so well as to pardon 
me that I acquainte your lordship that my daughter 
Albemarle is here and in good health.' ^ 

While the Duchess was paying this visit to Welbeck 
the Duke spent his Christmas in London. Athletic 
exercises still held his interest. The True Protestant 
Mercury reports that on December 30, 1681 : 

' A match of boxing was performed before His 
Grace the Duke of Albemarle, between the Duke's 
footman and a butcher. The latter won the prize 
as he hath done many before, being accounted, 

' Hist. MSS. Com., \itli Report, Dartmouth MSS., p. 70. 
* Welbeck MSS. ^ Welbeck MSS. 



though but a httle man, the best of that exercise 
in England.' 

The Duke accepted an invitation from the Gentle- 
men of the Temple ' to keep the Revels ' with them. 
There he found himself in the company of the Duke 
of Grafton, Lord Feversham, Lord Hyde, and several 
persons of quality who also did them ' the honour to 
dine with them there, and were splendidly enter- 
tained.' Old Narcissus Luttrell's words give hope 
that these noble guests enjoyed the ' Lord of Misrule,' 
and dancing, song and jests. For the Gentlemen of 
the Inner Temple were accustomed to give masques 
and revels with much magnificence and considerable 
expense. Evelyn, with the superiority of a modern 
critic, characterises these entertainments ' as an old 
riotous custom,' having ' relation neither to virtue 
nor policy.' 

The Domestick Intelligence, No. 64, records that the 
guests were received at their landing, for they entered 
from the water gate, and * were saluted by His 
Majesty's Trumpeters and conducted through a 
guard of Halbertiers to the Hall,' where they 'No 
sooner entered but they were again saluted with 
musick and sumptuously entertained with abundance 
of varieties. Their Majesties' healths going joyfully 
round.' We are further informed that the noble 
guests * departed highly satisfied.' 

Monmouth, in these days of enthusiastic loyalty, was 
sadly out of favour, a condition which he took with 
very bad grace. He grew petulant and quarrelsome, 
challenged Halifax to a duel, accusing him of being 
the cause of all his misfortunes. Moreover, the sight 
of Albemarle gaily prosperous and blithely command- 
ing his old troop of guards was too much for his 
proud spirit. Two days after the great dinner at the 
Inner Court the two young men met. Monmouth, 


134 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

who had witnessed a parade of the guards, thought, 
or at least said, that he found them lacking in disci- 
pHne. Such words could bring about but one result. 
* The Duke of Albemarle challenged and would have 
brought it to a duel.' But Monmouth, feeling 
perhaps that he was already sufficiently in the bad 
books of his father, ' avoided it.' ^ 

The thoughts of both young men were diverted by 
interest in strange guests who came to the English 
Court early in the year. The Muscovite Emperor 
had sent an Ambassador, whose outlandish manners 
and dirty habits greatly amused the ladies and gentle- 
men. Now came an Embassy from the Emperor of 
Morocco. Hamet Ben Hamet Ben Haddu ^ seems to 
have been cleaner than the Russian, but his many 
ceremonials, as a devout Mohammedan, greatly in- 
convenienced his escort. He would never travel be- 
fore sunrise or after sunset. Nor would he or any of 
his suite, except the mufti and the cook, drink wine, 
a painful deprivation to his English hosts. All the 
party dressed in their native garb, with scimitars 
and slippers, their legs and breasts bare, and as they 
passed through the country they were much admired 
by the rustics. * They were met at the Tower of 
London by His Majesty's coach of state and also a 
vast number of coaches of the nobility who had come 
out to see the strangeness of the sight.' ^ 

The Ambassador and his retinue also gave great 
pleasure to their entertainers by riding their Bar- 
bary steeds in Hyde Park, but they were soon driven 

1 Hatton Correspondence, vol. ii. p. 12. 

2 Engraving by R. White after Kneller. George Vertue (Brit. IVIus. 
Add. MSS. 23069, p. 30) records ' the picture of a Morocco Embassador 
half length by the life done by Mrs. Rosse, dated 1682, his name and 
titles above ; she painted the picture at the same time as Kneller 
pamted him in oyl, but sitting to have both at once.' 

' Loyal Protestant and Domestic Intelligencer, January 3, i68|. 


indoors by the January cold. The Duke of Monmouth 
entertained him, and was astonished and not a 
little offended to be told by the frank Ambassador 
that it was his duty to fear God and honour the 

A stranger in London in those days was shown much 
the same sights as a traveller of to-day. Hamet was 
conducted to the Abbey for a sight of the tombs, to 
Dr. Busby's School, Westminster Hall, the House 
of Lords, and the House of Commons.^ He proved 
to have a very catholic taste in entertainment, and 
was ' pleased to divert himself at His Royal High- 
ness's Theatre, where, to the satisfaction of His 
Excellency, was acted the tragedy of Mackbeth.' 
And, on another day, * His Excellency went to view 
the rarities of the Tower.' ^ 

The King received the Embassy in his great 
banqueting hall and with unusual ceremony, for 
it was beheved that a commercial treaty between 
England and Morocco would prove of great value 
in connection with the occupation of Tangier. The 
Emperor's present to the King proved as diverting as 
the Ambassador, nothing less than two lions and thirty 
ostriches. The King laughed heartily when he saw 
them, and said he could think of nothing more appro- 
priate to send in return than a flock of geese.* The 
crowd was such that the gates had to be shut and the 
path lined with guards.^ 

The Duke of Albemarle, with the rest of the Court, 
had been much attracted by the Ambassador. They 
became good friends, and together ' gave themselves 
the divertion of the Bear Garden when several dogs 

^ Loyal Protestant and Domestic Intelligencer, January 20, i6S|. 

2 Ihid., February 7, 168^. 

» Ibid., February 18, i68f 

* Reresby, Travels and Memoirs, p. 76. 

^ Loyal Protestant, February i8, 168^. 

136 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

were killed. His Excellency seeming very well 
satisfied with the sport.' ^ 

To enjoy the spring races of this year, ' Their 
Majesties with the whole Court departed from White 
Hall to Newmarket,' where * His Majesty prepared 
to divert himself with horse and foot-races, cock- 
fighting and so forth, for a month.' " 

The Court was not yet rid of the Ambassador from 
Morocco, for he followed the King to Newmarket, 
first borrowing money from the Lord Treasurer to 
pay his expenses. He proved an interesting guest, 
and caused great excitement by racing his Barbary 
steeds. More serious entertainment was supplied him 
at the University of Cambridge, whither he went to 
receive the degree of Doctor of Laws. This degree 
seemed but an empty compliment conferred by royal 
command upon a visiting dignitary whom the King 
designed to flatter. But it was hardly five years 
before another King forcibly reminded the donors of 
the incident, declaring that they had thereby estab- 
lished a precedent by which he was able to bring 
sorrow and chagrin not only to the whole University, 
but also to their Chancellor. 

Scant time had Albemarle to enjoy the society of 
his new friend from Morocco. He was in close attend- 
ance upon the King, and successfully pursuing the 
advantage of his position. Monmouth had been 
Chancellor of the University of Cambridge for several 
years. Here was one more honour to be plucked 
from him and given again as a reward for obedient 
service. The Vice-Chancellor of the University jour- 
neyed over from Cambridge to Newmarket to re- 
port to the King through Lord Conway (principal 
Secretary of State) the reception of the Morocco 

' The Impartial Protestant Mercury, No. 91, March 3, i68|. 
* Protestant Intellij^encer, March 4, 168J. 


Ambassador and of the degrees conferred in accord 
with letters mandatory. Lord Conway had a sur- 
prise in store for him when he acquainted him with 
the fact that Monmouth was no longer their 
Chancellor, but had been removed ' for undutiful 
behaviour,' and at the same time presented further 
orders under the royal signature.^ 

' Our natural son James, Duke of Monmouth, has 
given us just cause to remove him from our service. 

* We have thought fit to require you to proceed to 
a new election of a Chancellor. . . . And whereas, 
as well the integrity and constant loyalty of Our Right 
truly and Right-entirely beloved Cousin and Coun- 
selor, Christopher, Duke of Albemarle, as the re- 
membrance of the great and eminent service per- 
formed unto us by the late Duke of Albemarle his 
father, hath justly institute him to be near our person, 
and renders him in every way qualified for the dis- 
charge of so high a Trust and whose Nomination 
thereunto will be most agreable unto us, We further 
hereby recommend him to your choice as a mark of 
our indulgent care of your prosperity and welfare, 
and so we bid you farewell.' ^ 

Secretary Conway and Sir Leoline Jenkins already had 
written to each other on the subject and conferred 
as to the precedent of dismissing and electing of past 
chancellors.^ The University * received the royal 
mandate as usual with the most implicit submission, 
and the Duke of Albemarle was elected without a 
competitor by 175 votes.' * 

A lively correspondence at once ensued between the 
Chancellor-Elect and his University. In answer to 
the official announcement, Albemarle indited a letter 

1 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 5852, fo. 426. 

2 Bennett's Register, Emmanuel College, Cambridge. 

* S.P. Dom., Chas. 11., 1682, vol. 418, No. 33. 

* Bennett's Register, Emmanuel College. 

138 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

in his best style to Dr. Coga, the Vice-Chancellor, 
and the University Senate, April 1682, assuring them 
that of all the favours shown to him by the King, 
none had caused him more satisfaction than that His 
Majesty has thought him fit to be a patron and 
support of learned men, and the more so as he 
considered himself under a particular obligation 
to cherish that loyalty and learning which his father, 
by the Grace of Heaven, had the honour to rescue 
and restore.^ 

Dr. Coga returned a stately epistle of thanks, 
stating that his Grace's letter, accepting the chancel- 
lorship, had been received by the Senate with all 
possible joy, and that although, owing to the absence 
of the Public Orator, they could not now return their 
thanks, they would endeavour fitly to do so at the 

The Duke, knowing that he must have a speech in 
readiness for the same occasion, directed his secretary, 
Mr. Vivian, to procure copies of speeches delivered 
on former occasions. The Duke of Buckingham's 
inaugural address had been preserved. Nathaniel 
Vincent of Clare Hall furnished a copy. But the 
most careful search failed to produce the words of 
Monmouth on his installation. Vincent writes again 
to say that : 

'The Duke of Monmouth's speech, which you 
inquire after, was so very short that there have not 
been copies kept of it. There is a full account of his 
installment, much more large and full than anything 
we have had before recorded of that nature, which the 
Vice-Chancellor will bring with him to London, that 
my L'* Duke may have the perusal of it, on Tues. — 
come Senight. Out of this narrative I have tran- 
scribed all that is extant of our last Chancellor's 

^ Copy in Thomas Vivian's hand. This correspondence is in the 
possession of Lord Montagu oi Beaulieu. 


Speech. I pray you tender my duty to his Grace our 
Chancellor-Elect and to her Grace our Lady Chancel- 
loress, who some years ago did me the honour to accept 
my attendance when she viewed our University.' 

Albemarle, in the quiet of Newhall, conned his own 
installation speech, and won golden opinions from 
his new friends at Cambridge by contributing funds 
for the repair of Trinity College.^ 

Meanwhile halting poets sharpened pens and pre- 
pared Pindaric odes of alarming length upon the happy 
event. Mr. Nahun Tate, masquerading as Dryden, 
continued ' Absalom and Achitophel,' and under 
the name of Abdael addressed the Duke of Albemarle 
thus : 

' Brave Abdael, o'er the Prophet's school was placed ; 
Abdael, with all his father's virtue graced ; 
A hero who, while stars looked wondering down, 
Without one Hebrew's blood restored the crown. 
That praise was his ; what therefore did remain 
For following chiefs, but boldly to maintain 
That crown restor'd ? and in this rank of fame, 
Brave Abdael with the first a place must claim. 
Proceed, illustrious, happy chief, proceed ! 
Foreseize the garlands for thy brow decreed ; 
While th' inspired tribe attend with noblest strain, 
To register the glories thou shalt gain : 
For sure the dew shall Gilboah's hills forsake, 
And Jordan mix his stream with Sodom's lake ; 
Or seas retired their secret stores disclose, 
And to the sun their scaly brood expose ; 
Or, swell'd above the cliffs, their Billows raise, 
Before the Muses leave their patron's praise.' 

This is our only record of Albemarle as a patron of 
the arts. Wharton's notes thus explain the quotation : 

' Abdael . . . the Duke of Albemarle, son to the 
brave General Monck and President of Wales [sic]. 

^ There is a portrait of the Duke of Albemarle in Garter robes 
in Trinity College Library. 

140 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

He was liberal and loyal and a leading man among 
the friends of the King and the Duke, on which 
account he was severely stigmatised by the Whig 
writers.' ^ 

Truth compels the admission that these poets 
insensibly voiced the praises of the father to the 
neglect of the son. If the second Duke had not 
been the most devoted of sons, he must have resented 
the sight of so many Hues diverted from their 
accredited subject. Some happiness, however, was 
to be gained when the Muse chanted : 

' How much We of Thy great Father see, 
God-like Albemarle in Thee.' 

Meanwhile in London vast preparations were going 
forward at Albemarle House against May ii, 1682, 
the day fixed for the installation. The great re- 
ception rooms were furnished with their bravest 
hangings, and savoury smells escaped the kitchens 
where the master cook and his assistants prepared 
for the dinner that would follow the ceremony. ^ The 
Duke came up from Newhall in readiness for the 
event, and a great throng from the University 
assembled in London. 

On the day appointed, a great company of learned 
folk repaired to Northumberland House about two 
o'clock in the afternoon, marching in three divisions. 
First a hundred young students in divinity, in their 
gowns and caps, Masters of Arts, Bachelors and 
Doctors of Divinity. The second division : about the 
same number of students. Bachelors and Doctors of 
Physic. The last division : students in the civil law, 
the doctors being in their scarlet gowns, who were 

• Quoted from Dryden, The Miscellaneous Works of John Dryden, 
with notes by Samuel Derrick, 1760, ' Absalom and Achitophel.' 

* Dome stick Intelligence, No. 100, May 4-6, 1682. 


followed by a considerable number of ministers of 
the Church of England residing in London and 
formerly students at the University.^ It is not to be 
supposed that either devotion to the glory of their 
University or interest in the new Chancellor brought 
forth such an assemblage of learned men. All the 
doctors and officers received two guineas each for 
attending an installation, and Masters of Art one 

This noble procession proceeded down the Strand 
and up Piccadilly to the garden of Albemarle House. 
Here they were met by several guards and solemnly 
escorted into the courtyard, where His Grace re- 
ceived them. Afterwards they were conducted into 
a large room : 

* Where the most eloquent speech was made to His 
Grace in Latine, by Mr. Billers, the University 
Orator, shewing the great satisfaction they had in their 
election, insisting much on the praises of his deceased 
father, and likewise of himself in a very particular 
manner,' ^ 

This speech lasted for three-quarters of an hour, and 
had been preceded by the installation ceremonies and 
by a speech from the learned Dr. Coga in English.^ 
These lengthy bursts of eloquence paved the way for 
the Duke's speech. 

* His Grace was extremely obliging and was pleased 
to answer them in a short but pithy oration, that 
before it had been always his inclination to serve 
them, but now it should be his business ; and if he 
did not do it effectually it was their fault not his.' ^ 

This bit of oratory was followed by an elaborate 

* The True Protestant Mercury, No. 141. 

* Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 5852, fo. 426. 

* The True Protestant Mercury, No. 141, May 10-13, 168?. 

* The Loyal Protestant, No. 154. * Ibid. 

142 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

entertainment, nine tables being furnished with 
all varieties of things in season, and all sorts of 

* miisick, trumpets and kettledrums. The Morocco 
Ambassador, upon the Duke's invitation, was also 
pleased to be present with his retinue. About six 
o'clock in the afternoon the solemnity ended, and all 
returned to their respective lodgings highly pleased 
with the entertainment.' 

Albemarle had been made a Doctor of Laws by 
Cambridge University some years before, and if he 
was not a University man himself, he certainly knew 
how such should be treated .^ The merry- Court 
circle, much entertained by this excursion of their 
companion into the realm of learning, wrote 
facetiously on the subject. Lord Preston in Paris 
was informed that ' a most learned cavalcade has 
gone from Northumberland House to Albemarle 
House,' ' to make his Grace the Chiefest Scholar in 
Cambridge.' ^ 

1 The degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred upon the Duke of 
Albemarle, September 27, 1681. Several papers relating to the Duke, 
including the Latin oration, are preserved in the Registry, Cambridge 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., ^th Report, App. i. Letter of Mr. Fleetwood 
Shephard to Lord Preston in Paris, p. 381. 


The Duke of Albemarle's obvious enjoyment of 
Monmouth's former honours awakened anew in that 
nobleman the spirit of revenge. Taking counsel with 
his intimate circle, he determined to bring his suc- 
cessor into disgrace with the King. His Majesty 
not only frowned upon duelling, but deeply resented 
any infringement of his edict upon the subject as a 
disrespect to his royal authority. Albemarle, then, 
should be drawn into a duel. Opportunity alone was 
wanting. Fate played into the hands of the plotters 
through the agency of Lord Grey of Werke, who found 
an occasion to bring Albemarle into the desired state 
of reckless wrath. This lord strolled one day into a 
gunsmith's where all the young men of fashion re- 
plenished their armament. If we mistake not, he 
espied, as he entered, a footman in the Albemarle 
livery lounging near the doorway. His eye next fell 
on a richly wrought pistol, and he raised it for closer 
inspection. * What coxcomb's fancy is this,' he de- 
manded in no uncertain tone. * Some fool ! ' he 
continued contemptuously. The proprietor respect- 
fully replied, * It has been bespake by the Duke of 
Albemarle.' The footman, jealous for his master, 
sped home to report that Lord Grey had called the 
Duke a fool. The gunsmith, not far behind, appeared 
at Albemarle House to report that his noble patron 
had been named a coxcomb. Outraged honour 
could have but one relief. Sir Walter Clarges was 
summoned in haste. The challenge was sent and 

144 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

accepted. Sir Walter conferred with Lord Grey's 
second, Colonel Godfrey. Swords were the weapons, 
and the meeting took place early on a sweet June 
morning in Tottenham Court. The principals engaged 
and also the seconds. Colonel Godfrey proved the 
better swordsman, and Sir Walter, bleeding and dis- 
armed, saw the doughty Colonel join his principal, 
swearing to Albemarle that unless he delivered' his 
sword, ' he '11 run him in the guts.' With two against 
him, the Duke fought on for a moment or two. But, 
seeing no remedy, he then delivered his sword. 
' Here the Wh — [Whig] had the better on it,' com- 
ments our correspondent.^ 

Sides were taken in a trice. The town seethed with 
the story, and proclaimed the Duke a hero or a coward, 
as politics sympathised. As an aftermath : 

* Two days afterwards three blades came into Wh.'s 
Coffee House, and sat down by Lord Colchester, Sir 
Thomas Armstrong,^ and several others, and talked 
much of Albemarle's gallantry ; but this discourse 
not being regarded, they arose, and going out, one of 
the three turned and said, if any there spoke re- 
flectingly of the Duke, of his carriage in the late duel, 
he gave them the lie, and swore they three would fight 
with any three of them ; but the Wh — [Whigs] let 
them go away without answering them.' ^ 

The newsletters continue the story : 

* The King was very angry at the duel . . . but 
being informed that the Lord Gray did not speak the 
words designedly upon the Duke, sent for 'em and 
made 'em friends, but said he was very sorry to see 
those that should be patterns of keeping Laws, break 
'em under his nose.' * 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., -jth Report, App. i. Letter of J. Verney to E. 
Verney, p. 479. 

^ Executed for complicity in the Rye House plot. 

' Hist. MSS. Com., 7//j 7?f/>o>'^, App. I. J. Verney to E. Verney, p. 479. 

* Newcligate-Newdegate, Cavalier and Puritan, p. 73. 


So a thin crust of peace was laid over these fiery 
spirits. But the State secretaries were profoundly 
disturbed, and found much subtle political meaning in 
these gentlemanly affairs of honour. 

Lord Conway, who was with the King at Windsor, 
wrote to Sir Leoline Jenkins in London, dated June 
8, 1682 : 

* I have had the honour to receive your letter of the 
7th and have communicated it to his Maj^'*^ who sayd 
thereupon, he would speak with the Duke of Albe- 
marle ; after that I met his Grace, and discourst the 
business with him, who told me the whole story. 
How that a gentleman of the King's Troop of Guards, 
a man of as good birth as Sir Henry Ingoldsby had a 
quarrel with him in a Coffee House and is reddy to 
give him satisfaction if he desire it, but how it should 
come to be fixt upon the Duke of Albemarle, I cannot 
comprehend. If their councel runs upon such ex- 
travagances I doubt not but it will expose them to the 
Severity of Law, as well as the censures of all rational 
men.' ^ 

In spite of the King's command the quarrel be- 
tween Monmouth and Albemarle was but gently 
sleeping. Lord Herbert having allowed himself to 
call the Guards the banditti, was set upon by a 
guardsman named Rodney who took upon himself 
to avenge the insult. As Lord Herbert was riding 
with the Duke of Monmouth in his coach at the 
time of the attack x^lbemarle was obliged to send 
messages of explanation if not apology, while the Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel imprisoned the offender at Windsor. 
In later months the quarrel broke out afresh among 
their underlings. One of the Duke of Albemarle's 
former servants, now promoted to be a guardsman, 
took occasion to insult the Duke of Monmouth's 
coachman, wondering why he wore a Whig's livery, 

1 S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 418, No. 420. 

146 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

to which the man retorted that he knew the time when 
he wore Tory 's Hvery. Blows were exchanged, and 
later three guardsmen fell upon the unarmed coach- 
man and severely injured him. The Duke of Mon- 
mouth naturally was gravely offended and brought 
the matter to the notice of the King, and the over 
zealous champions of the Colonel of the Guards were 
ignominiously turned out of their troop. ^ 

As for Albemarle himself, the political atmosphere 
surrounding these quarrels enabled him to escape 
the malice of his enemies, and kept him high in the 
favour of the King. His next duty was to entertain 
the Morocco Ambassador, with whom the treaty was 
at last signed and sealed ready to present to the 
Emperor at Fez. His last visit was to be paid to the 
Duke of Albemarle before he embarked at Rye. On 
July 6 he took his way to Newhall. Of his reception 
The Loyal Impartial Mercury, No. 13, reports : 

' We hear that on Tues. last his Excellency the 
Ambassador from Morrocco arrived at New Hall 
accompanied with several of the Nobility and Gentry 
and was kindly received by his Grace the Duke of 
Albemarle, who gave him sumptuous entertainment, 
the Country people flocking in great numbers to see 
his Excellency and his retinue.' ^ 

Many months afterwards Albemarle received a 
letter of thanks for his courtesies from this visitor, 
written perhaps by the interpreter, the renegade 
Englishman who had accompanied him to England : 

' May it please your Grace, — 

JA signatured ' Yo*" Grace's letter I have received 
\ in Arabic J with a great deal of Joy ; ye friend- 
ship which I made with yo"" Grace when in England 
shall always continue, and onely wish for that happy 

' Newsletters, Welbeck MSS., June 2 and 5, 1683. 
2 Also Loyal Frotesiant Mercury, No. 177. 


hower to see yo'' Grace in this country to make some 
returne of ye kindnes I received ; had yo"" Grace come 
hither ye King would have done anything you could 
in any reason desire, for when I mentioned yo^ Grace's 
name to ye King he rejoyced in ye hopes of seeing you, 
and ye reason of ye delay in ratifying what I did has 
proceeded from false informations that ye King would 
have it imediately (sic) from an Ambassador's own 
mouth. I have nothing more then to remain, Yor 
Grace's Perpetuall friend, 

' DiMSERA, ye 27 Fed. i68f. 

' About 20 miles within ye passe to Sus.' ^ 

During this summer of 1682 Albemarle was busy 
as one of the delegates appointed to hear the case of 
one Mrs. Brigit Hyde ^ and Mr. Emerton, a cause 
celhbre of the day. He also attended as an especially 
honoured guest the * Most Noble and splendid Feast 
of the Loyal Young men and apprentices of the City 
of London,' and was elected steward for the ensuing 
year, together with the Duke of Ormonde, the Earl 
of Halifax, the Earl of Craven, the Earl of Sunderland, 
Lord Finch, and others.^ It proved to be a very jovial 
party, where some thousands sat down to dinner 
' accomodated with all the Rarites imaginable.' 
Much scandal was raised because so many ministers 
of state were present, the more so that a great feast 
organised by the Whigs had been prohibited. Then, 
too, he waited upon His Majesty at Windsor, attended 
the races at Winchester in the royal party, and later 
departed by sea to Portsmouth ^ to discharge his 
military duties. In the autumn His Majesty and the 
Duke of York were entertained by a great boxing 
match between the Duke of Albemarle's porter and 

* Montagu House MSS. 

- She afterwards married Lord Danby's second son. 
^ Loyal Protestant, No. 192, August 10, 1682. Fifty pounds was 
contributed by eacli steward. 

* Loyal Protestant, No. 201, August 31, 1682. 

148 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

a soldier of the Foot Guards, ' Wherein, though with 
much difficulty, the former remained Victorious.' ^ 

As the winter proceeded newsletters spread the 
report that the Duke of Albemarle was being seriously 
considered as Ambassador to the Court of Fez.^ The 
matter went so far that John Sydenham wrote his 
superior officer a letter of farewell.^ Then the whole 
matter came to nothing, and another was sent in his 

Albemarle in all probability was not greatly dis- 
appointed over the loss of the Morocco Embassy. 
He was in close attendance upon the King, and the 
matter of the command of the English troops in 
Holland had, once more, come to the royal notice. 
Albemarle had long yearned for this office. As early 
as 1680, he had written a letter to one whom he 
addressed as 'Your Royal Highness.' The Historical 
MSS. Commission Report identifies this personage 
with the Duke of York.* Unfortunately, the original 
letter has been mislaid, but it seems more probable 
that it is a draft of a communication to the Prince of 
Orange. It states that upon the lamented death of 
the Earl of Ossor^^ he (Albemarle) had hoped to 
succeed to his command, under His Royal Highness, 
in the service of the States-General, but he had heard 
that the King had recommended the Earl of Dun- 
barton. Having now learned that the Earl is not 
likely to succeed in his pretensions, he has therefore 
His Majesty's permission to address His Royal High- 
ness, assuring him that if thought worthy of the 
employment he will be ever obedient to his commands 
and devoted to his service. This he followed with 
a present of a saddle horse to the Prince. 

1 Domestick Intelligence, No. 140, September 21-5, 1682. 

- Welbeck MSS., December 2, 16S2. => Montagu House MSS. 

■* Hist. MSS. Com. Report. Montagu ol Beaulieu, p. 176. 


In the spring of 1682 Lord Conway wrote to Lord 
Arlington (?) from Newmarket : 

' His Majesty is likewise very Sensible of the 
necessity of having an English general of his own 
nomination over his subjects in Holland, and will do 
all that is in his power to procure it for the Duke of 
Albemarle.' ^ 

What subtle working of Charles 11. 's policy was to 
be served by Albemarle cannot now be followed with 
certainty. It can, however, easily be seen that he 
would be more sure of carrying out his promises to 
France without betraying his secret treaty to the 
astute William of Orange if his English troops in the 
Netherlands were under the generalship of a blind 
adherent of the King and Duke of York. So Albe- 
marle became a pawn in the dark game between King 
Charles and Louis xiv. King Charles himself late 
in the year wrote to his nephew a letter well calcu- 
lated to bring Albemarle the coveted prize : 

'Whitehall, 8 December 1682. 

' I have formerly proposed a thing to you in which 
I am every day more confirmed in my opinion as a 
thing which in many respects is necessary to be done, 
and, therefore, I think it proper now to renew to you. 
It is to have a Commander-in-Chief of all my Subjects 
who are or who shall be in the Service of the State. 
I am satisfied it will tend to their discipline and 
obedience, that it is for my honour and dignity, as 
well as for that of the nation, and that it will be 
advantageous to you in particular, in order to your 
greater influence upon them, to have such men from 
time to time set at the head of them as shall make it 
their business to be Serviceable to you ; besides, you 
will find that either in case of recruits or other levies 
of men in England, it will be no small encouragment 
for men to go over when it shall be known that a man 

1 S.P. Dom., Chas. ii., vol. 418, No. 459. 

150 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

of quality and interest here is to have the immediate 
commandment of them under you, to do them right 
upon all occasions that shall arise. 

' Of this the late Lord Ossory is a very good in- 
stance, and you find so good an effect of the credit he 
had both here and amongst the men under his com- 
mand that I need no other argument to convince you 
of how good use it will be to have that place filled as 
it ought to be. The man I think upon is the Duke 
of Albemarlle, who hath all the qualifications that are 
necessary to make himself to succeed the other, who 
was so well approved by every body, and particu- 
larly by yourself. If it should be said that the States 
will not be ready to do it, because it may draw some 
charge upon them, that objection might very well be 
answered, yet to take it off entirely, I am content 
there should be neither pay nor salary tied to the 
place, but that whosoever hath it shall discharge it 
upon their own expense, without expecting anything 
more than the name and character of Commander 
under you of the English, with the same powers that 
were enjoyed by the late Lord Ossory. 

' I do not doubt that you will be of my opinion 
when you have well considered it, so as I will say no 
more but to assure you that I will ever be yours, 

' C. R.' 1 

So urgent a letter might w^ell be believed to bring 
about the desired result. Consequently, it was with 
surprise and chagrin that the King found that the 
Prince of Orange had given the appointment to Henry 
Sidney. True, he was no soldier, and was as frivolous 
as any courtier at Whitehall. Burnet says that he 
was so set on pleasure that he was not able to follow 
business with a due application. On the other hand, 
he was the brother of Algernon Sidney, so that he had 
certain ties with the Whigs at home, while abroad 
he was known as a personal friend of William of 

1 Sidney, Diary of the Times of Charles II. (ed. Blencowe). Intro- 


Orange. Not only incensed at the total disregard of 
his wishes, but believing that Sidney was far from 
the man he would choose to have at the head of the 
English troops in Holland, the King ended the matter 
by speedily recalHng Sidney to England. 

Albemarle, however, never attained to the goal 
of his desires. His only recompense was a pair of 
Flemish carriage horses sent to him by the Prince of 
Orange. Monsieur de Bentinck's letter explains why 
this gift was not received until 1684.^ 

' DiEREN, 17^/' Aoust 1684. 

* Monsieur, — Je suis honteus de ne vous avoir pas 
remercie, plus des honestelez que vous m'avey fait 
Mons^, quant j'estois en Angleterre ; ce qui en est 
la cause c'est, que son Altesse d 'about aprez mon 
retous en ce pais, ordonna a Mr. d'Auwerkerck de 
vous chercher un attellage de chevous de carosse ; 
j'ay attendu a escrire par celui qui les emmeneroit ; 
cela a dure un an avant qu'il en oit peu treuver qui 
valussent la peine destre envoyez ; j'espere — que ceus 
si le seront, et que vous les treuverez aussi bons, que 
Son Altesse treuve le cheval que vous lui avez donne ; 
pour moy, Monsieur, faites moy la justice de croire 
que pour avir garde longtemps le silence je n'en suis 
pas moins reconnoissant de vos civilitez, et que je 
seray tons jours avex boucoup verite. Monsieur, votre 
tres humble et tres obeissant {sic) Servitem, 

' W. Bentinck.' 2 

The Duke of Albemarle was now at the apex of his 
career. At the age of twenty-nine he was a Privy 
Councillor, a Gentleman of the Bedchamber, first 

1 Sidney, Diary of the Times of Charles II., vol. ii. p. 33. These 
coach-horses probably resembled those ordered by Lady Sunderland 
through the agency of Henry Sidney, to whom she wrote : ' Employ 
all your skill, for one pair of the finest and largest grey coach-horses, 
the most dappled, the statliest persons you can possible get ... a bill 
of exchange for ;^ioo I imagine will do the business . . . pray let me 
have two very handsome, large, broad-backed beasts.' 

* Montagu House MSS. 

152 THE DUKE IN PUBLIC LIFE [book iv. 

Colonel of the King's Own Troop of Horse, Captain of 
His Majesty's Life Guards, Colonel of the Queen's 
Regiment of Horse, Lord -Lieutenant of Devon, and 
Joint Lord-Lieutenant of Wiltshire and Essex, and 
Chancellor of the University of Cambridge. In 
addition, he held many minor offices both political 
and honorary. Up to this moment he scarcely had 
asked for the favours which had been showered upon 
him. In the loss of the command of the Enghsh 
troops in Holland he received his first public reverse of 
fortune. What attitude he took in this moment is not 
recorded. But in this year his youth fled from him. 
He was never again the joyous, splendid figure of these 
early years. Although he again climbed to success 
and won for himself substantial favours, his aspect is 
sombre, heavy, and oppressed. The reahties of life 
now crowded thickly upon him ; what he won in 
coming years he wrung from reluctant hands. 


' My thoughtless youth was wing'd with vain desires ; 
My manhood long misled by wandering fires, 
Foliow'd false lights ; and when their glimpse was gone, 
My pride struck out new sparkles of her own.' 

Drvden, The Hind and the Panther. 


Although to outward seeming the life of the Duke of 
Albemarle was successful from every aspect, although 
newsletters detailed something of his splendour, and 
gazettes gave assurance of his political standing, two 
very grim spectres were staring the young Duke out 
of countenance. The first of these came to public 
knowledge in the newsletters that chronicled the 
arrival of the Morocco Ambassador. These also re- 
tailed the astonishing rumour that Albemarle House 
had been sold. The rumour proved to be only too 
true. The splendid feast on the installation of the 
new Chancellor of Cambridge was perhaps the last 
of Albemarle's entertainments in his magnificent 
abode. Even his vast income could not withstand 
the inroads made by a constant stream of royal guests, 
ambassadors, and visiting dignitaries. Horse races 
at Newmarket and Winchester, basset at Hortensia 
Mancini's had taken more than their share of the once 
rich possessions of the Moncks. He was forced to 
follow the Duke of Buckingham's example and sell 
his great London house. Its beautiful garden was to 
be divided into streets, the house pulled down, and 
buildings erected by a real estate company. To-day, 
all that remains to show where this great house stood 
is the name Albemarle Street, and at the corner where 
was once the mansion itself, a public-house which still 
displays the sign, ' The Duke of Albemarle.' 

In spite of his financial embarrassments, Albemarle 
was as conspicuous at Court as ever. He was at 
Windsor with the King in August and at the races in 



the autumn. He was still influential in securing 
petitions for his old friends and retainers. Perhaps 
the Duke felt no pressing need for economy, as he had 
received thirty-five thousand pounds by the sale of 
his house and the land about it.^ The very moment 
of the sale found him and the Duchess sitting to 
Murrey the painter for full-length portraits, with what 
destination is discovered by the Duchess of Newcastle, 
who adds the following postscript to a long letter to 
her ' Deare Betty.' ^ 

* I give my Lord Duke and you a looo thankes that 
your Pictures from head to foote are doeing for 
Nottingham Galer>\' ^ 

The only record of retrenchment, apart from the 
selling of Albemarle House, is reported by his mother- 
in-law, who testified that he reduced the allowance of 
his Duchess to one thousand pounds.* This allow- 
ance was presumably an addition to the income she 
always received from the rents of the manor of 
Grindon which was part of her dower.^ She also held 
a patent as ' Searcher * for the county of Kent, and 
derived an income from the Customs collected thereby.® 
She was further concerned in a lace trade which 
brought her some hundreds of pounds yearl}^' 

^ Evelyn, Diary, September i8, 1683. 

- Montagu House MSS. Frances, Duchess of Newcastle to Eliza- 
beth, Duchess of Albemarle, April i, 1682. 

^ Nottingham Castle. The painter was probably Thomas Murrey, 
whose portraits of the Duke and Duchess of Albemarle now hang in the 
ballroom at Welbeck Abbey. 

* Welbeck MSS. The Duchess of Newcastle's deposition. 

* Montagu House MSS. Letters from the Duke of Newcastle con- 
cerning the payment of these rents. 

* Searcher : an officer of the Customs, whose business it was to 
search outward bound ships, and to examine if they had prohibited or 
uncustomed goods on board. 

^ Welbeck MSS. William Chapman's Papers : Accounts of the 
Duchess of Albemarle. Chapman acted as deputy of the Duchess 
in this business. 

ISh. lip,, 




^§SBt lUi^ 


o '^ 

i682] TWO SPECTRES 157 

Among her patrons in this business the Duke of 
Albemarle and the Earl of Bath figure largely ; 
' Maddam Rutland, the Prince of Denmarke and the 
Dutchess of Mounmouth ' also appear as purchasers of 
* Roufles and Cravats.' 

Although Albemarle must have suffered acute 
chagrin in this period of financial embarrassment, he 
owned so many broad acres and manor houses that 
prudent management might in time have extricated 
his affairs, but prudence was not a characteristic of a 
successful courtier. 

His second spectre wore a far more serious aspect. 
The health of the Duchess had grown more precarious, 
and she now began to show active symptoms of mental 
disorder. This first manifested itself in extreme irri- 
tation with those about her. Whether or not her 
accusations were due to delusion, she was clearly in 
a highly excited state of nerves and mind. Albe- 
marle's first intimation of her trouble came just at the 
moment of his entertainment at the bear-baiting of 
the Morocco Ambassador. He, himself, was secretly 
disturbed by his embarrassed financial condition, and 
aflame with high hope at the prospect of the command 
in the Netherlands ; so that it could hardly have 
been without some degree of vexation that he read, 
one March morning, a letter from his wife who was 
at Newhall, wherein she informed him that her feud 
with his cousins had broken forth with renewed 

' ... Is it unkindnes,' she demanded, ' to give 
your Cosen Farwell a forknight waring ^ after fore 
yeares heareing she will be remoueing evuery week or 
mounth when she is a skanddewll to oure fammaley 
in leading such a sorte of life besides ye nursing up 
Thefes and wemmen of an ill-fame which noe outher 

* Warning. 


but such cretuares will seruis her. I goe apon sure 
grounds that she has too noted wons at this time and 
all ze Tone and Country crys out of me for leveling ^ 
in a Bauddy Tafaran ; ^ my freinds sent me word I 
never was Bread up in such a place, and they thought 
I had more honner then to induare it, soe I am forst 
to cleare the senceur to my relacions by haveing her out 
in that time.' ^ 

A week later ' cosen Farwell ' sent a letter, contain- 
ing her views concerning the Duchess : 

'Mar. i68|(?). 

' My Lord, — I can hardly beleve what Mr. Farwell 
told me that you intended to send Mr. Vivion hether 
on Saterday which was to bring me mony to be gone : 
and I to take 50 li to lye in the feldes or take up an 
in(n) at Chenesforde ? My Lord, is this your Love 
and great kindnes you have for me, to turne me out 
of dores and take no care for my Removall and not a 
farthing of mony for meate nor Clothes ? Is this the 
f rutes of the harvist that you have got sence the kinges 
Comin in ? Slite noe so much the instrument, my 
father, who when he was sent from the king going 
thorow London, he was taken and Caryed to the 
Commitey of saftey and there was examined what 
bisnes he had to doe with his brother in Scotland : 

^ Living. * Tavern. 

* Montagu House MSS. Elizabeth, Duchess of Albemarle, to her 
husband, March 8, i68J. The Duchess was at this time expecting 
a visit from her sisters, concerning which her mother wrote : ' 'Tis 
resolved thay shall begin thare Jurney from hence to Noringham 
Munday the 24th of this Aprill the iirst Munday after Easter weeks 
from Notingham to Stamford on tewsday the 25th or to Wansxord 
Bridge which is 5 miles further and from thence on Wensday the 26th 
to Camebridge where wee desier you will send your Coach and Servants 
and conveniance to meete them, . . . that thay may waite on you att 
Newhall on Thursday the 27th, where God send you and them a saffe 
and happy meeteing. I am very sory you have bin ill. I pray God 
send you allways well. I dreamed last night but one that I playd 
with a very fine little boy of yours and that it was very fond of mee 
and put out it(s) hand often to mee. God send it may prove a rcalitie 
and not only a dreame.'— Frances, Duchess of Newcastle, to Elizabeth, 
Duchess of Albemarle, April i, 1OS2. 


the(y) beleved it was about Charles Stuard for the(y) 
knew what he was, the(y) told him he was a dangerose 
person and shold be clapt into prison ; had I not bene 
in Scotland he had not had that exscuse to have made, 
for he told them he was going to fech his dauter from 
thence and with much adoe got of(f). Sir Thomas 
Clarges knowes all this to be trew ; the suckses of his 
jurney was hapy for Ingland and for you ; the Reward 
has bene nothing but sufferinges ever sence. I shall 
never forget the dangeres we were in at see, the 
violent stormes upon the quicke sandes and a greate 
ship cast away before us, and nothing to be sene but 
the mast. Mrs. Bruorton is now in London and can 
witnes it, and seing God has left you to be the only 
Instrument to requite me for my dangeres then, and 
for the uncomfortabel life that I have lived in your 
houce, pray Remember when I was to go oute of it 
before, you told me your wife was to Receve the 
sacrament, that if ever she wold be good natuored she 
wold be then, and bid me aske her what was the Reson 
she would have me be gone ; she told me she had 
nothing in the wo ride aganest me, only she desiored 
to be alone, for she loved me so well that she wold 
visit me very often, and she hoped I wold do the same, 
that I must keep my Coch, but which way it was to 
be dun I know not, unles it was as Mrs. Jonson told 
me that she wold allow me 500L a (y)eare Rather 
then I shold stay. My Lord, is not this very strange 
that when she had nothing aganest me she shold be 
so desiorose to have me oute of the house ? What 
is the Cauce ? nothing but them that you love she 
hates, and when I am gone you will find it much 
more then now, for now she flateres my sister and S*" 
Walter Clarges, home [whom] she cold not indeuer 
before, and still hates them in her hart, and for what 
cause she hated my Cozen Pride you know not to this 
day, and had I not bene here you had bene more un- 
hapey by what she told me, for I will asuer you all 
there quareles was upon your acount, therefore I 
hope you will be kind to her and to me ho [who] are 
both sufereres upon your ackount, but I have loved 
your Repose and quiet so well that I have mayd it my 


holle bisnet to keepe it so, which I pray God continu 
it when I am gon. . . . 

* I am now going to tel you my full resolution, that 
I will be torne in pesis by your one [own] servantes 
before I will stir oute of Newhall till I have a hun- 
dered and fiftey pounde a (y)eare and the lodge and 
land secured for it, my Reputation wolde be more 
salved in the lodge, but if you will not let me have 
the lodge I will have 400 li a (y)eare in land seteled 
upon me that I may not have the trubel of runing up 
and doune after youre ofeceres ... of 2 eveles I will 
chouse the lest, if if (sic) I must perish I am Resolved 
it shal be in youre one [own] houce, and your servants 
have my blud before I will stir from hence. Sir, do 
not be perswaded by my Lady Duches that this is 
enuf for me who Mrs. Archer told me herselfe you 
Reuened her by leting of her have her w^ill so much 
as you did. She told it me when you was here, and she 
was alltering of Albemarle houce, at that time I had 
liked to bene (sic) killed by Panton upon your ackount 
by flinging a silver candelsticke at my hed which was 
brocke in 2 peses with the fall, and for 6 wekes to- 
gether tormented with blisteres for your sake. 

*M. ff. [Mary Fairwell].'i 

Just what arrangement was made with Mary 
Fairwell does not appear, but Albemarle hurried to 
Newhall as soon as his public duties would permit. 
The Duchess was found to be in a very unhappy 
condition. Whether or not the sale of her London 
home was at the foundation of her trouble, and that 
her proud spirit could ill brook reverses of fortune, 
certain it is that in the summer of 1682 she began to 
show unmistakable symptoms of that mental malady 
that recurred throughout the remainder of her long 
life. In the autumn she journeyed to Welbeck Abbey. 
Of his daughter's condition while on this visit the 
Duke of Newcastle wrote to Lord Danby, who was 
still in the Tower in spite of petitions: 

^ Montagu House MSS. 


* I saw when my Daughter Albemarle was here 
She was not madd, but there was a great consterna- 
tion upon her, I sopose caused by her own folley and 
Pride and Mallis of others who noe doubt has in- 
deavored her ruen a long time and sure never woman 
has been so deafe to good councill as she has been nor 
did ever Parents doe so much for a Daughter as we 
have don for her.' ^ 

The poor Duchess proved herself a most trouble- 
some guest on this visit. She seems to have quite 
alienated the sympathy of her parents from herself, 
for Dr. Peter Barwick, her physician, in one of his 
numerous letters to the Duke of Albemarle remarks : 

* I know your Grace will be pleased to assist her 
in it with her Parents by procuring a kind and 
candid Interpretation of her unfortunate behaviour at 
Welbeck when she w^as uncapable of judging of what 
she either sayd or did.' 

In another connection he speaks of her parents 
putting an 

* unfortunate misconstruction of things instead of 
pity and Compassion for ye saddest of calamities.' ^ 

In still a different letter, after explaining his 
objections to the treatment of his patient insisted 
upon by the Duchess of Newcastle, who was a very 
masterful lady, he continued : 

' My Lord it is greatly for your honour that ye 
Duchess of Newcastle has expressed how much my 
Patient ows to yo"^ great kindness and affection and 
I know yo"^ Grace's kindness to be so great by many 
instances, and particularly by that most affectionat 
Leter to her, that yo^ Grace will use all possible 
Indeavers with her Mother to comply with yo"^ 
Grace's Judgement and mine in this mater.' ^ 

1 Leeds MSS., Hornby Castle. 

'■ Montagu House MSS. Peter Barwick to Albemarle. 

3 Montagu House MSS. 


Both the Duke and Duchess of Newcastle, as well 
as Dr. Barwick testify to the affectionate devotion of 
the husband to their daughter during this unhappy 

That the Duke had accompanied his wife to 
Welbeck, and in spite of domestic cares was con- 
cerned with political events is proved by a letter from 
one who signs himself J. L. addressed to Lord Danby : 

'■Nov. 13, 1682. 

* May it please Yo^ Hon^, — Last night my 
Lord D. [Denbigh (?) ] came well to Grimsthorp 
where he was kindly received both by my Lord and 
Lady Lindsey and my Lord signed ye Petticon with 
great willingness and hartely wishes yo'' Hon"" good 
success by it and soe doth my Lord Rutland who hath 
likewise signed ye Peticon. I am commanded to goe 
for Welbeck to waite of ye D. of Albemarle, and hope 
to have his Grace's favour to-morrow, and soe returne 
to my Ld. D. to attend till I have further Comands 
from yo"" Lord? wch shall bee faithfully obeyed by 
Yo"^ Hon" most humble and obedient Servt., 

'J. L.'i 

In explanation it should be said that the Earl of 
Danby, wearying of his imprisonment in the Tower, 
petitioned His Majesty to release him, and a memorial 
on the same subject, signed by nine associated lords, 
emphasised the petition in the following words : 

' Wee the Peers whose names are hereunto sub- 
scribed considering not only the great hardship of the 
Earl of Danby 's Case, but being highly sensible of the 
dangerous Presid' it may be hereafter to the rest of 
your Majties subjects if any man can be made in- 
capable of being Bailed, when he can have no prospect 
of other deliverance, And conceiving it not to be the 
intention of the House of Lords in the making of the 
Late Order concerning Impeachment, that ever it 
should produce a consequence so injurious to your 

^ Leeds MSS., Hornby Castle. 


Majtie's Perrogative, and so mischeivous to the 
Liberty of ALL your Subjects Doe humbly joyne 
with the said Earle in his Peticon, and pray your 
Ma**® to grant the same with an effectual recommenda- 
tion to due consideration of all your Judges. 

Albemarle. H. Newcastle. 

Lindsay. Rutland. 

Bathe. Conyers. 

Berkeley. Ailesbury. Oxford. 

Denbeigh. Thanet. Norreys. 

Yarmouth. Sussex. Feversham. R. Arundell. 

Maynard. Lumley.^ 

Shortly after signing this document Albemarle 
must have returned to London, where on Sunday 
night, November 19, a most dismal fire broke out in 
Wapping.2 More than a thousand houses were con- 
sumed. * Upon the noise of the fire His Grace the 
Duke of Albemarle, the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Craven, 
and also the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs accompanied 
by their officers, the officers of Ensurance Office, and 
others of the City Artificers for p^vension of increase 
of fires went down.' Many poor citizens were burned 
and injured. The fire spread to the shipping, and 
though 'engines with water plaid,' the docks suffered 
severely. Albemarle's valour on this occasion drew 
forth happy comparisons between his conduct and 
that of his great father on a like occasion.^ 

Christmas of this year was, as usual, spent at 
Newhall, where the Duke is reported to have been 
' some time, to divert himself.' * In the spring he 
once more visited Devonshire to look after his militia, 
and the newsletters erroneously reported his death 

1 Leeds MSS., Hornby Castle. ^ Welbeck MSS., Newsletter. 

* Welbeck MSS., Newsletter. Collections of money were taken to 
relieve the sufferers. His Majesty gave ;£20oo, and Madam Gwynn 


* Welbeck MSS., Newsletter. 


from a fit of the ' choUick.' But ' badness of the 
weather' had prevented the Duke's return voyage, 
and not his death .^ While absent from Newhall he 
received a charming letter from his Essex neighbour, 
John Petre, dated March i6, i68| : 

' My Lord, — I most humbly begg your Grace's 
acceptance of the biggest fish that ever I did take in 
my fife, being a pig of your owne sow comming out of 
your owne pond ; I did hartely wish your Grace with 
me att the taking of him upp, for from the time of 
my taking the line in my hand till I landed him in the 
boat was a hower by Newhall clock, and my back 
was readdy to crack : for the time I was there, which 
was but foer or five howers I had verey good sport : 
my Lord, I wish your Grace all success imaginable 
boath att Newmarkett and wheresoever your Grace 
goeth. . . .'2 

The Duchess of Albemarle's ailments had by this 
time greatly increased. Her mental state was so 
serious that her husband added a codicil to his will, 
altering his provision for her in case she should never 
recover. Several of the letters preserved at Montagu 
House were written by her at this time, and they are 
quite unintelligible. 

1 Welbeck MSS., Newsletter. ^ Montagu House MSS. 


In June of 1683 Albemarle was to forget his private 
embarrassments in a great political crisis. This was 
nothing less than another plot to assassinate the King, 
and this time the Duke of York with him, and set 
Monmouth on the throne. The royal brothers were 
to have been attacked and killed, some said only 
kidnapped, on their return from the Newmarket 
Races at a place called Rye House — ' a place so con- 
venient for such villainy as scarce to be found in 
England.' ^ The name of this house became identical 
with that of the plot. It was now the opportunity of 
the Tories and Roman Catholics to take their turn at 
harrying their former persecutors ; for many of the 
conspirators were thought to be Whigs and haters of 
Papists. As in the case of the Popish plot, most of 
those who suffered as conspirators were believed to be 
innocent even by their contemporaries. There seem 
to have been two plots separate and distinct, and yet 
sufiiciently overlapping each other to give colour to 
the accusations of those who to save their own necks 
turned King's evidence. The plotters who meditated 
murder were obscure and irresponsible men, some of 
them old Cromwellian soldiers. They conferred at 
one time or another with the Whig leaders who were 
scheming to protect themselves not only from Roman 
Catholic succession, but from the policy of King 
Charles. These Whig leaders would hardly stoop to so 

^ Bramston, The Autobiography of Sir John Bramston (Camden 
Society, 1845), p. 182. 



futile a plan as the King's murder. The plot in its 
most violent form never came to anything, for a 
disastrous fire at Newmarket sent the Court suddenly 
to London before the trap could be laid for the King 
upon the road. Some three months later, one Josiah 
Keeling, a vintner, either from remorse, fear, or hope 
of gain, managed to get himself introduced into the 
presence of Sir Leoline Jenkins when one of the Lords 
of the Privy Council was with him — either Lord 
Dartmouth or the Duke of Albemarle.^ Keeling's 
confession led to sudden excitement and many arrests 
and much false witness. The first conspirators taken 
were also the most obscure. Others, knowing that 
they would be betrayed, surrendered themselves. 
The Duke of Albemarle threw himself into the busi- 
ness with all the ardour of his loyal heart, and to 
him Colonel Rumsey gave himself up. This prisoner 
proved a valuable, if self-interested witness for the 
prosecution, and thus escaped punishment.^ 

Suspicion immediately fell upon the associates of 
Lord Shaftesbury, who was lately dead in Holland. 
Of these Monmouth threw himself upon his father's 
mercy, confessed all, received pardon ; denied his con- 
fession among his followers, and then prudently retired 
into Holland ; altogether playing as double a game 
as can be imagined. Lord Grey, Albemarle's former 
duelling antagonist, and Sir Thomas Armstrong 
also made their escape, though the latter w^as after- 
wards brought back to England and executed. Lord 
Russell, Lord Essex, and Algernon Sidney were lodged 
in the Tower, while Lord Howard of Escrick turned 
informer and so saved himself. 

1 Newdigate MSS., mentioned in Cavaliev and Puritan, p. 213. 

2 He was witness against Lord William Russell in July 1683, and 
against Cornish and Lord Dclamcr in 1685. So general was the feeling 
that he had been a false witness that he was exempted from the general 
pardon of 1688. 


Lord Russell felt himself doomed from the moment 
of his arrest. ' The Devil is loose,' he said.^ Nothing 
worthy of the name of treason could be proved against 
him, but all hope was lost when an excited messenger 
brought news into the court during his trial that Lord 
Essex had committed suicide in the Tower. Russell 
was that day condemned to death. Every effort was 
made to save his life. The King refused a pardon, 
even in the face of an offer of £100,000. The 
Duchess of Portsmouth sued in vain. Then his 
friends tried other methods. Lord Cavendish ^ pro- 
posed the time-worn expedient of exchanging clothes ^ 
and remaining behind while his friend escaped, but 
Lord Russell would allow none of his friends to be- 
come involved on his behalf. Undiscou raged. Lord 
Cavendish again arranged to lead a carefully selected 
party of horse, and attack the guard as the coach 
containing the prisoner passed on its way to the place 
of execution, while another party should come up on 
the Old Bailey side, take him out, mount him on a 
horse and make off with him, for it was believed that 
the crowd would be actively sympathetic with Lord 
Russell. This offer was also refused by the prisoner. 
On July 21 the condemned man drove in his own 
coach to the scene of execution. By a strange 
coincidence the scaffold was set near the door of his 
father's house in Lincoln's Inn Fields.* Firm in his 
faith as a Christian, he approached death murmuring 
a psalm. Two hundred musketeers surrounded him 
and cut off any final hope of rescue. 

The Duke of Albemarle, Colonel of the Guards, 
drew up his horse facing the scene. Beside him was 

1 Russell, Life of William, Lord Russell, vol. ii. p. 268. 

* The first Duke of Devonshire. 

* Oldmixon, History of England during the Reigns of the House of 
Stuart, p. 681. 

* Green, History of the English People, vol. iii. p. 430. 


Lord Cavendish, who had taken leave of the prisoner 
as he left the Tower, but had followed for one last sight 
of the friend he could not save. ' Just as he (Lord 
Russell) was going down to the block, some one called 
out to make a lane, that the Duke of Albemarle might 
see, upon which he looked full that way.' ^ Doubtless 
in this brief glance the victim caught one last friendly 
farewell from the eyes of Cavendish. This waiting 
lord and the Duke of Albemarle were little prepared 
for the horror of the scene about to be enacted. Lord 
Oxford in one of his private notebooks attributes the 
awkwardness of the executioner to political influence. 
Be that as it may, neither the first nor second stroke 
severed the head. Suddenly Albemarle, horrified at 
the needless torture he beheld, drew his pistol to end 
the sufferings of the victim. Lord Cavendish cried 
out, ' Forbear or we shall all be murdered.' ' Murder, 
Murder ! ' echoed the rabble who would brook no in- 
terference. One stroke more of the axe and the deed 
was done.^ 

Algernon Sidney's trial and conviction followed. 
The weather turned strangely cold, winter held 
London early that year. On December 7, while the 
Duke of York watched little urchins sliding on the 
ice of * the canal in the Parke,' Algernon Sidney died 
on Tower Hill, ' very resolutely and like a true rebel 
and republican.' ^ 

The King took but a half-hearted interest in the 
Rye House plot. While his ministers vigorously pro- 
secuted the conspirators, the King was changing the 
officers of his household. He, according to a news- 

^ Life of William, Lord Russell, p. 341. 

- Welbeck MSS., ' Miscellanea ' of Edward Harley, second Earl of 
Oxford, vol. iv. This incident is not mentioned in the Life of William, 
Lord Russell. 

^ Letlcis of James 11. to William of Orange, December 4 and 7, 1683 
(S.P. Dom., King William's Chest, vols. iii. and iv.). 

i683] THE COCK PIT 169 

letter, ' intends to make a regulation in the officers 
of his household, some of them being Whiggishly 
incHned, and hath already begun with his Cooks,' ^ 
And this was more than he had done to please the 
Whigs during the terrors over the Popish plot, for 
then he had decHned to dismiss his barber, Papist 
though he was proved to be. 

Albemarle, also, after the first excitement following 
the discovery of the plot had subsided, allowed him- 
self to become absorbed in domestic affairs. Since 
the sale of his town house he had been without a 
home in London. As soon as this fact was known, 
William Chapman received proposals from those who 
had houses of which they would Hke to dispose. This 
faithful retainer wrote to his master concerning one 
such offer thus : 

* This day I mett w^^ Mrs. Hannis who told me she 
had comission from the Dutches of Cleavland to let 
your Grace know that if you had a mind to take her 
house ^ y" should have it for what tearm of time y"" 
Grace pleas'd.' ^ 

Albemarle, however, did not come to terms with 
the Duchess of Cleveland, and he took up his abode, 
temporarily, at the Cock Pit, where his boyhood had 
been spent. From thence he wrote to the Archbishop 
of Canterbury on behalf of Dr. Samuel Gardiner, 
whom he recommended as a * very loyal, learned, 
and painful preacher.' * At the Cock Pit, too, was 
established the ailing Duchess under the constant 
care of her physician, the learned Dr. Peter Barwick, 
who wrote voluminously to the Duke in this 
wise : 

* Newdigate Newsletter, quoted in Cavalier and Puritan, p. 211. 

2 Berkeley or Cleveland House, near the site of the present Bridge- 
water House. 

3 Montagu House MSS., May 6, 1682. 

* Bodleian Library, Tanner MSS., 34, fo, 106. 


'Westminster, Sept. i, 1683. 

* May it please your Grace, — All things continue 
well at the Cock-Pit since your Grace went, as far as 
I can see, my Lady Duchess taking such things dayly 
as may by God's blessing confirm the health which 
she has recover'd with great patience and highly 
commendable constancy. . . . She tells me she has 
lately writ to yo^ Grace, but is so sensible of her late 
misfortune by the Post as to send her Leter by 
another hand. This is a trouble that so well becoms 
her noble mind that all of us that have the honour to 
be near her do much rejoyceatit. But alas, My Lord, 
there is one great thing (I fear) still behind, whether 
yo"" Grace has had any late discours with her about it 
or no, I know not. I must still beg leave to be im- 
portunat with yo"" Grace in it. It is a thing so far 
above my sphere to act in, who am a stranger to ye 
family (though yo'' Grace was pleased to think me a 
competent person for it) that I am persuaded no 
person living except yo*" Grace only has so much 
interest in this excellent Lady and her most honoured 
Parents as to be able to do it. And yet till it be done 
no solid lasting hapiness can be expected. I moved 
her Grace in it upon ye very first appearance of her 
Recovery before she received those Leters. But then 
she seemed to doubt whether she was well enough to 
write, and sayd it would not be expected till she was 
beter. . . . And yet I can not doubt, observing what 
I do of her great respect and affection toward yo"" 
Grace, particularly of late, but that some kind com- 
mands and Incouragements from yo^ Grace will have 
ye desired Influence upon her.' ^ 

Dr. Barwick's own efforts to make peace between 
the Duchess and her parents had elicited the follow- 
ing letter from the Duchess of Newcastle : 

'Nottingham Castle, May the 12th, 1683. 

* Sr, — I received yours of the loth, but am very 
much conserned you have troubled yourselfe to write 
soe long a letter. As to the letters her Father and I 

^ Montagu House MSS. 


write to your Patient thay ware as kind as wee could 
write and such as shee had reson to bee ouer Joyd to 
receive from us. If thay have any thing disturbed 
her wee can not healpe it, but since shee is soe ill a 
Judge of kindness, and soe apt to mistake letters our 
saffest way is not to write but Pray to God for her 
Perfect recovery and to have our servants at New- 
castle House give every Post inteligence hou shee dus, 
and those that writes will let mee heere the comfort- 
able news that shee continews to love her Noble Lord 
keeps her owne relations company and is thriffty and 
continews to indeuor to pay all her debts and runs in 
to noe more. These are the things which Persisted 
in will bee the way for her to bee dearer to us than euer 
shee was, but Pride, vanitie, insultation, and selfe will, 
will worke the contrary in us, and soe shee shall ever 
find. That 's all my Lord and I can say. His 
affectionate seruice to you, mine to your wife. God 
giue His blessing to your indeuors to her health of body 
and mind, I am your obliged freind and seruant, 

' Newcastle.' 

(Addressed) : ' For Mr. Doctor Barwick These.' ^ 

A week later Dr. Barwick wrote to the Duke of 
Albemarle : 

* May it please yo^ Grace, — I renewed my re- 
quest to yo"^ Grace by the last Saturday Post to mind 
my Lady Duchess of expressing her Duty to her dear 
Parents. It is a thing that still runs uppermost in 
my thoughts, but I know I shall not need to press your 
Grace in it any further ; only I humbly beg leave 
to acquaint yo'" Grace with the fitness of ye oppor- 
tunity, if it may please your Grace to lay your kind 
Injunction upon her in a Leter out of hand. For this 
day her Grace has layd a Command upon Mr. Lloyd 
to go to Mr. Brown at Newcastle Hous, and to bid 
him present her humble duty to her Parents, and her 
love to her sisters, and to assure the Duke and Duchess 
her Parents that she would willingly write to them 

1 Montagu House MSB. Frances, Duchess of Newcastle, to Dr. 


if she knew what to write that might be justly and 
truly said by her that they would be pleased to accept 
of ; and that she would never be defective in her duty, 
or to this effect, as I have it from Mr, Lloyd. And I 
thought it my duty to give yo'" Grace this Intimation.'^ 

The numerous letters of this faithful physician 
testify to his own fine spirit. It is easy to picture 
the old man endeavouring tactfully to bring peace of 
mind to the troubled Duchess. His method with his 
patient was quite modern, in its departure from the 
rough treatment usually accorded to the mentally 
afflicted in that and the succeeding century. 

The Duke in spite of his wife's ill-health kept 
to his attendance upon the King. Evelyn met him 
on November 28 at a ' Magnificent entertainment ' 
given by the Swedish Resident Lionberg to celebrate 
the birthday of his King, and remarks : 

' The guests were the Duke of Albemarle, Duke of 
Hamilton, Earl of Bath, Earl of Aylesbury, Lord 
Arran, Lord Castlehaven. ... I was exceedingly 
afraid of drinking (it being a Dutch feast), but the 
Duke of Albemarle being that night to w^ait on His 
Majesty, excess was prohibited.' 

In February 1684 the Earl of Danby was released 
from the Tower, but not without great financial 
sacrifices on the part of his friends, who deposited an 
enormous bail in his behalf. Among these was the 
Duke of Albemarle. Still further straitened in cir- 
cumstances by this generosity, the Duke now took 
up his quarters in York Buildings, in the house of 
Mr. Bernard Grenville,^ brother of the Earl of Bath.^ 
The Duchess was still in uncertain health and in a 
very undecided state of mind over the choice of 

* Montagu House MSS. 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., 5^/? Report, Sutherland INISS. Letters of Bernard 
Grenville to \V. Leve.son Gower, p. 186. 

• York Buildings in the Strand, near Charing Cross. 

1684] VARYING WHIMS 173 

another home. In fact, it seems to be her varying 
whims that kept the Duke and Duchess of Albemarle 
so long without a town house. This is suggested by 
a letter of Dr. Barwick, who writes : 

'■Mar. 4, i68|. 

' May it please yo^ Grace, — I found my Lady 
Duchess uneasy in her mind upon yo"^ Grace's going 
out of Town ; saying that yo*" Grace had not only 
denyed her some requests, but was gone without 
taking yo"^ leave or biding her farewell. In this 
uneasy humour her Gr. still seems to continue, wch 
though it puts me into no fears of great consequence 
yet it is apt to bring her usual pain upon her stomach, 
and diminish her appetite. Her Gr. knows nothing 
of my writing. But I thought it my duty to acquaint 
yo"^ Gr. with what I do observe, and to submit it to 
yo"" Grace's consideration wether a kind Leter from 
yo"" Grace may not do well : For I have oftener then 
once known yo'' Gr. win greatly upon her affections, 
and give satisfaction to her Requests even when you 
have not found it expedient to grant them. By this 
means she may be induced to think well of a Hous of 
her own, either at ye Cockpit or New Hall. And I 
do assure yo"" Grace I had much rather she were at 
New Hall then at Hempstead ; and I can send the 
minerall waters and other medicins with as much or 
more ease to Chelmsford within a mile of her own 
hous, then to Hempstead.' ^ 

Of the Duchess's pursuits we catch a glimpse in 
Dr. Barwick's letter of September 2, 1684 : 

* Her Gr. Does sometimes make use of her Saddle 
Horses when ye wether is good, but I think with a 
great deale of Care and Caution. I tell her how much 
I am concerned in it, as well as her Grace, to be able to 
give a satisfactory account to my Lord Duke. I con- 
fess I went upon that Command between yo*" Graces 
with great alacrity and satisfaction to myself, when I 
found so much unusuall affection on both sides as that 

1 Montagu House MSS. 


neither my Lady Duchess would use her Sadie Horses 
without yo^ Grace's full approbation, as well as a 
promise not to be angry, allthough she had a great 
desire to it ; and that ye only reason why yo"" Grace 
struck a while at a full approbation was for fear she 
should take harm,' ^ 

The vagaries of his wife at last brought Albemarle 
into a difficult position at Court. Some contre- 
temps over a lodging at Whitehall seems to have 
taken place this autumn. Whether the injury to the 
Duchess's reputation on appearing at Whitehall with- 
out her Lord was a figment of her poor sick brain or a 
reality does not appear. Dr. Barwick gave the Duke 
the first intimation of the perturbation of the Duchess 
and the news of her removal to Hampstead in a letter 
dated November 2, 1684 : 

' I had a Command from my La. Duchess this after- 
noon to wait upon her Gr. whom I found in a fit of 
an Ague wch had been long upon her, but then was 
decHning. Her Gr. is now at Hamstead ; and says 
she had a short fit the last night she lay in York 
Buildings. But I found her Gr. full as much troubled 
in her thoughts as with her Ague. She tould me she 
had been much misreported to the King, as if yo"" 
Gr. knew nothing of the Lodgings that were taken for 
her at Whitehall, and upon that misinformation the 
K. had sent the Usher of the Black Rod to put a stop 
to that mater. Her Gr. says she does not value the 
Lodgings, but is in a very great concern how to get 
right in the King's opinion, and commanded me to go 
to S^ R. Derham to ingage him to write to yo"^ Grace 
about it, she not being in a condition to write herself 
at present. But S"" R. Derham not being to be found 
at home I take this boldness upon me, though I had 
no command from her Gr. for it. And I do humbly 
beg of yo*" Gr. to write to some freind near his Ma*'^ 
to set my La. Duchess right with the K. in this mater, 
and that yo"" Gr. will be pleased to own her in it. 

1 Montagu House MSS. 


For I see her Gr. in so much trouble about it that I 
fear it may do her harm in the condition she is in at 
present by reason of her Ague, and her affliction of 
mind unless yo^ Gr. be pleased to give her some speedy 
assistance in it. I hear it will not be long before 
yo"^ Gr. returns, but perhaps not so soon as this business 
seems to me to require your tender regard and wonted 
goodness to her. I do not find she has any fondness 
at all for the Lodgings but for her honour only.' ^ 

Later in the month the Duchess wrote to her 
husband on the same subject. He had left unan- 
swered an earlier letter, but in the urgency of her 
affairs she decided to overlook the neglect : 

' My Deare Lord, — I am sorry I am not worthy 
of an ancer from you. I would have forborn trouble- 
ing you now but that I think my repetacion lyes at 
y® last stake if you for Bare to be les kind then you 
used to be. I b(es)eech you, when you see y^ King, 
spake but what you sade to me consarning ye logins 
that you inten(d)ed to wate in them as you know you 
tould me ; if you omit this, consider what reflecs opon 
me makes you suffer soe fare never to be re pared. 
Theire are many that think you have had a Great 
Deale of roung will emagin, if you should say any- 
thing but what I beg, you care not for repetacion, all 
my Freind(s) Hope You will allways be a man of 
Houner to me and never neckleck me and beleves you 
will geit this Houses that has being ye cause of all this 
bussell. I am, your DutyfuU Wife, 

* E. Albemarle.' ^ 

The following letter from the Duke of Newcastle 
relieved the situation : 

* May it please your Grace, — I received a letter 
this post from my Lady Eliz : Pierrepont (the Aunt 
of the Duchess of Newcastle) wherein her La?^ (?) 
is pleased to lett me know my House at Clarken-well 
may be usefull to your Grace ; I most humbly assure 

^ Montagu House MSS. 

* Montagu House MSS., November 24, 1684. 


your Grace you are most wellcome to it and to make 
use of it as long as you please and I take it for a great 
Honnor your Grace will make use of it. There is 
some goods in ye House. I wish they weare better, 
they are all at your Grace's service.' ^ 

Newcastle House was no longer in a fashionable 
neighbourhood, and so had been partly dismantled 
by its owners. The Duchess of Newcastle, of more 
practical mind than her husband, rehearses its in- 
conveniences as a residence in a letter to the Lady 
Elizabeth Pierrepont : 

'WeLLBECK, Nov. the 2C)th, 1684. 

* Madam, — I most humbly thanke you for yours 
of the 24th and am most redy to lend my Lord Duke 
of Albemarle and my Daughter Newcastle House for 
what time they Please to make euse of it, and am most 
glad at my hart and soul that it can any way conveni- 
ance them. I am sory it stands soe ill and in noe 
sweeter a Place and is so unquiat, the Bells ^ beeing 
soe neere it, and that I have not better furneture 
espeshally that I have not a good bed to set up for 
them, but as it is, and what it has, thay are most 
hartyly wellcome to it and I w^ll write this Post to 
Jerrimiah and Alice to gett it as well redy for them as 
they can which I am sure they will doe againest what 
time thay apoynt them. I most humbly thanke you 
for writeing this to mee since Betty did not write 
herselfe, a desier soe easeyly granted I am with all 
Duty and affection your La?^ most obedient Neece 
and humble seruant, Newcastle. 

* My 2 deare Gerles most affectionate Duty and 
humble seruice to you.' ^ 

A month later the Duke of Newcastle writes : 

' I most humbly thank Your Grace for honouring 
us by making use of my house in Clarken-well.' 

^ Montagu House MSS. Henry, Duke of Newcastle, to Albemarle. 
^ The bells of St. James's Church, Clerkenwell. 

^ Montagu House MSS. Frances, Duchess of Newcastle, to Lady 
Elizabeth Pierrepont. 

i684] A BLEAK YEAR 177 

So we may imagine the Duke and Duchess of Albe- 
marle safely established at Newcastle House, and 
York Buildings as well as Whitehall seeing little of 

Whether on account of the vagaries of the Duchess 
or for some other reason, Albemarle was decidedly 
out of favour all through the bitterly cold winter 
of 1684. Perhaps the King's renewed interest in 
Monmouth may explain this. According to the 
Venetian Ambassador, Monmouth was secretly in 
London in December, and had an interview with his 
father. He certainly carried on an uninterrupted 
correspondence with the King through the medium 
of Lord Halifax.^ Only one favour to Albemarle is 
recorded for this twelfth month — a grant to hold two 
fairs at Rotherhithe, which might augment his in- 
come in a small way.^ He also had the honour to 
be one of the commissioners appointed to install 
Prince George of Denmark as Knight of the Garter. 
But in comparison with the brilliancy of former times, 
this year proved bleak indeed. 

' Thus the cedars at Court are as liable to change 
as we shrubs,' his cousin Bernard Grenville laughs, 
not without a shade of malice.^ 

^ Ranke, History of England, vol. iv. p. 197. 
* Lysons' Environs of London, p. 612. 

3 Hist. MSS. Com., sih Report, Sutherland MSS. Letter of Bernard 
Grenville to W. Leveson Gower, p. 186. 


However, an event was impending which would 
somewhat alter the aspect of Albemarle's affairs. 
During the preceding year King Charles had given 
evidence of failing health. Yet the symptoms were 
little heeded by those about him, and his departure 
from his usual geniality of manner was attributed to 
political cares. Therefore, when Mr. Evelyn visited 
Whitehall on the evening of February i, he little 
thought that he viewed his King sitting for the last 
time amid the surroundings which had marked the 
reign and characterised its Court. He later wrote in 
his diary a picture of that evening : 

' I can never forget the inexpressible luxury and 
profaneness, gaming, and all dissoluteness, and as it 
were total forgetfulness of God (it being Sunday 
evening) . . . which I was witness of, the King 
sitting toying with his concubines, Portsmouth, 
Cleveland, and Mazarine, a French boy singing love 
songs in that glorious gallery, whilst about twenty of 
the great courtiers and other disolute persons were at 
Basset round a large table, a bank of at least 2000 in 
gold before them,' ^ 

During the evening the King complained of illness, 
and early next morning to the consternation of his 
attendants he fell into a fit, from which he was revived 
with difficulty. The ministers of state, in this un- 
expected crisis, had many plans to put in motion to 
safeguard the kingdom and their own interests. 

1 Evelyn, Diary, Februar}- 4, 168;;. 


From Whitehall Palace at four o'clock that same 
Monday afternoon Lord Middleton wrote to Albe- 
marle telhng him of the King's illness, and giving hope 
of his recovery. ' I dout not,' wrote he, * you will 
give all necessary orders for your Deputy-Lieutenants 
and Justices of the Peace to prevent disorders arising 
from false reports,' and he adds a postscript desiring 
him to send his orders by express that night.^ Prayers 
were offered for the King's recovery in all the churches 
by reverent throngs, while fourteen doctors used 
every remedy which the knowledge of the time could 
recommend. Another attack ended all hope of 
amendment, and between eleven and twelve on the 
morning of February 6 (1685) Charles ll. died very 
peacefully. Privy Councillors and statesmen crowded 
the ante-rooms and whispered among themselves the 
story of how the King had died reconciled to the 
Church of Rome. 

Albemarle was not in the palace at the hour of 
death. Summoned to a hastily assembled Council 
meeting, he hurried to Westminster through the city 
where the news was yet hardly abroad. Later in the 
afternoon the proclamation of King James 11. was 
sent forth, duly signed by Albemarle with others of 
the Privy Council. It was a trying day for the new 
King, and only late in the evening did he find time to 
dispatch a private letter, written in a shaking hand, 
to his * Sonne the Prince of Orange,' telling of his 

All the confusion caused by a change of kings and 
the reorganisation of the Government filled the next 
few days. On February 14, the body of the late King 
was buried with his predecessors. The funeral is 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 15th Report, MSS. of Lord Montagu of Beaulieu, 
p. 189. 

* Letters of James 11. to William of Orange, S.P. Dom., King 
William's Chest, vol. iv. 


described as pitifully shabby, and contrasted oddly 
with the magnificence of General Monck's. A rough 
sketch in the Public Record Office shows : 

Earls. Bodv. Earls 

Chief Mourner.^ 
Duke of Somerset. Duke of Albemarle. 

There were present at the burial all the Privy 
Council, all the household, all the lords who were in 
town. The body was placed in a vault under Henry 
VII. 's Chapel at Westminster, without any pomp and 
' soon forgotten after all this vanity,' while all the 
great officers broke their staves over the grave accord- 
ing to form. The fact that Iving Charles had acknow- 
ledged his change of religion seems to explain the 
austerity of his funeral, for how could the King con- 
scientiously order a great ceremony of the Church of 
England for one who died professing a different faith ? 

A new atmosphere was at once noticeable at 
Whitehall. Evelyn observed within a week of the 
late King's death ' the whole face of the Court was 
exceedingly changed into a more solemn and moral 
behaviour ; the new King affecting neither profaneness 
nor buffoonery.' What difficulty the courtiers found 
in adapting themselves to the new regime, a contem- 
porary gossip points out in a letter which reads : 

* The King complains of the disorder in his house- 
hold and that some had the impudence to come drunk 
into the Queen's presence. This was thought to mean 
the Duke of A.' ^ 

' Prince George of Denmark. 

^ Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England, vol. iv. p. 512. 


And at this late day suspicion points to the Duke of 
Albemarle as the owner of that initial. 

The days of mourning were spent in dignified 
ceremonies. Evelyn, who was very much about the 
Court at this time, tells of the envoys and great 
persons who came from the neighbouring continent 
to condole the death of the late King, and were re- 
ceived by the Queen-Dowager on a bed of mourn- 
ing, the whole chamber, ceihng and floor, hung with 
black, and tapers lighted, giving a most lugubrious 
and solemn effect. The Queen sat under a state 
canopy on a black foot-cloth, to entertain the circle. 
The prospect of another Parliamentary election and 
plans for the coronation filled men's minds. Albe- 
marle, still living at Newcastle House, took a deep 
interest in both events. On February i8, i68i, he 
wrote to Dr. Blythe, Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, in 
answer to a letter from that worthy scholar acquaint- 
ing Albemarle with the design of the University Senate 
to wait upon the King and declare their loyalty. 
Great was the rivalry between the two seats of learn- 
ing as to which should show the greater devotion 
to the Crown. The Cambridge address, we may be 
sure, was couched in the most resounding Latin, and 
their Chancellor begged them to leave space that his 
name might be among the signers. But on February 
21 Albemarle writes in a sterner vein. The Uni- 
versity was entitled to two burgesses to represent 
them in Parliament. Their Chancellor considered 
the naming of one of these gentlemen to be among his 
perquisites. The University ignored his claim. He 
writes more in sorrow than in anger, and patiently 
explains the situation to their unheeding ears. No 
less a person than Mr. Samuel Pepys was standing 
for election at Sandwich. There seemed to be danger 
that he would suffer defeat through complications 



brought about by the new charter. The King could 
take no risk of losing so valuable a servant, and thus 
early had made Albemarle promise that he would 
give Mr. Pepys, Harwich, in case Sandwich proved 
unappreciative.^ Now in his own mind Albemarle 
had promised the place to his secretary, Mr. Arthur 
Fairwell, his cousin's husband. So his next step was 
to force his University to provide for this gentle- 
man. A spirited correspondence tells the story. 
The Chancellor was greatly disturbed. The Vice- 
Chancellor was for the most part blandly silent, 
although he refused to be coerced. Thus the battle 
raged fiercely, and Albemarle through it all kept his 
temper to perfection. No less than eight long and 
eloquent letters of the Duke's are preserved in the 
library of Clare College, Cambridge. A full copy 
of one of them is also found in Bennet's Register 
preserved in Emmanuel College. Bishop Bennet 
adds a note to his document remarking * what was 
the consequence of this strange letter I know not, 
but Mr. Fairwell was certainly never chosen for 

Between March 8 and 19, Albemarle with the Earl 
of Oxford prepared to journey down to Essex to 
proclaim King James 11. at Chelmsford. Before 
going he summoned Sir John Bramston,^ now seventy- 
two years old, to ask him to go down with him and 
gave his reason. ' There wilbe,' says he, *a Parlia- 
ment shortly, and you must be knight of the Sheire.' 
Sir John being in pecuniary difficulty refused, and ex- 
plained that unless a certain pension were paid to 
which he felt he had a claim, he could not afford to 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., i^ih Report, Buccleuch MSS. Letters from Samuel 
Pepys to the Duke of Albemarle, p. 341. 

* Sir John Bramston, Deputy-Lieutenant for Essex. He left an 
autobiography printed by the Camden Society, from which the follow- 
ing conversations are quoted. 


sit in Parliament. * Will you take my advice,' says he 
(Albemarle), * Go to the Kinge yourselfe. I will send 
to my Lord of Bathe to introduce you.' William 
Chapman was instantly called and sent along with 
the petitioner to Whitehall ; but owing to Bramston's 
fear of offending Rochester, Albemarle's orders were 
not carried out, and Bramston returned empty-handed 
to the Duke. He, when he was told the stoiy, ' seemed 
trubled as foreseeing they should be to seek of one for 
knight of the Shire.' So Bramston * went not the 
journey.' At Chelmsford the occasion of the King's 
proclamation was made the opportunity for the 
political leaders to plan their campaign. On his 
return to Court, Albemarle reported the candidates 
to be Sir William Maynard and Sir Thomas Fan- 
shawe ; Sir John Bramston dechning. ' But,' says 
he, ' he will be chosen at Maiden, for all the towne is 
for him.' Sir John writes : 

* This really greived me when I heard what was 
sayd to the Kinge, because I had really intended 
to be quiet. . . . But it haueing binn told to the 
King that I might be chosen if I would, without 
charge or truble, I feared his Majestic would be 
displeased should I refuse to be Burgess, as I had 
refused to be a knight.' So being assured that he 
would meet with no opposition, against his better 
judgment, old Sir John allowed himself to be per- 
suaded. * But it fell out contraire to their and my 
expectation,' said he. With him stood Sir Thomas 
Darcy (' a Puritan bred and borne,' writes Bramston). 
He was Albemarle's neighbour and choice. ' At the 
day (of the election), his Grace came, and brought all 
his friends and servants that were freemen with him. 
Sir Thos. Darcie and I met at the towne's end ; the 
bayliffs met at a little distance from the towne, and we 
all walked together into the Inn. They continued in 
opinion I should without doubt be chosen, nor did 
I anything doubt it. Sir Thos. had noe interest of 


himselfe and soe told me ; he must rely on the D. of 
Albemarle and myself. I was vex't tho' to find there 
would be opposition.' 

The opposition were detected in having * largessed 
the free men,' and Bramston ' foresaw a charge which 
he was troubled at.' But the Duke said, ' he would 
beare a third.' How the wires were pulled in order 
to bring in the friendless Sir Thomas is most naively 
told. Popular Sir John had wisely saved half his 
votes in case of disaster, and being safely in himself 
called his adherents together and informed them how 
greatly they would oblige his Grace by also returning 
Sir Thomas. * His Grace caressed them, called for 
wine and dranke to them, and they resolved they 
would doe soe.' The opposition complained ' this 
was caried by pure managment.' But the victors 
took the accusation complaisantly, and prepared for 
the election of knights of the shire at Chelmsford. 
On the morning of the election ' some gentlemen, 
some diunes, and a good many freeholders,' called for 
Sir John Bramston to head the procession of Tories, 
who * took horse neere the town,' and so rode in brave 
array, joined by a greater crowd as they moved along. 
Determining to go forth to meet the Duke at Newhall, 
they passed in the middle of the town the opposing 
candidates Mr. Mildmay and Mr. Luther, and were 
pleased to see how many more riders were with their 
own company, ' but they had a great rable on foot,' 
but in those days the rabble had little value in an 
election. So the proud Sir John forced the * rable ' 
to pass him on the roadside, and the rival companies 
eyed each other. 

* About midway to New Hall, we had a sight of 
his Grace, soe wee divided, and made a lane for him 
to pass, and then we joyned our companie to his, and 
putt him in the head of us all. Quickly after we 


turned, came Sir Wm. Mainard and Sir Thomas 
Fanshaw, whom his Grace tooke one on the right, and 
the other on his left hand, and soe rode into the towne. 
Wee and all our companie (I meane the horsemen, wee 
left those on foot in the towne) followed, five on breast, 
and soe rode up the towne and about the Cross downe 
the towne on the other side ; and when we came to 
Colchester Lanes our men were not all come into 
the towne, soe his Grace and the companie stayd, to 
let them goe by us ; and then came the Ld. Petre 
over the Bridge, with a great number of gentlemen, 
his kinsmen and tenants, and other freeholders, his 
neighbours, 300, I think ; theire we closed with his 
companie, and rode up the Towne and into the feild. 
But Mr. Mildmay and his companie were upon the 
Bench and in the Court, where the election was to 
be. We tooke a round in the feild, and then lookt for 
Mildmay, we not knowing he was on the Bench ; 
but, understanding quickly where he was, the Duke 
sent to the Sheriff to come and take a view of the 
numbers, that he might judge where the majority was, 
and that he would adjourne the Court into the feild, 
and take the pole there if it were demanded. Which 
beinge done, and the tables brought into the feild he 
brought Mildmay into the feild with his companie, 
which beinge done and the sunne shininge very hot, 
the Sheriff adjourned the Court back again into the 
Sessions House, and we rode up thither, and tooke 
our places on the Bench and in the Court as neere as 
could bee. The writ was read and the candidates 
named, and the poll demanded by Mr. Mildmay. 
The Sheriff askt the gentlemen if they were content 
(with) his clerks whome he had appointed to take the 
poll or not. They consented to his clerkes, and had 
supervisers. He had appointed six to take the poll, 
and as many to give the oaths (yet Mr. Mildmay 
had two of his owne that tooke the poll). In regard 
everey single freholder was to be sworne whether he 
had 40s. freehold, and whether he had not voted 
before (as was necessarie) was after a while added, 
otherwise, there beinge soe manie writers and swearers, 
here might be deceit. I did judge the poll would last 


2 or 3 days, and soe did the towne too, and had laid 
in provisions of hay, etc. Accordingly, Mildmay 
giveing out if he had fair play he would shame the 
Duke and the gentlemen (but by the way let me note 
here he kept not his word with his Grace ; for- he met 
him not in the feild, for indeed he had very few horse, 
and the riders pittiful fellows). About two of the 
clock, I went of¥ of the Bench to gett a bitt of meate 
and a cup of wine, saying to-morrow about that time 
wee might guive a guess what would be the issue. I 
was not gone about an hower and halfe, and when I 
came back, had stayed a very little tyme, the business 
was at a stand, and the Sheriff bid the cryer make pro- 
clamation. I askt what was the matter. Why, says 
the Sheriff, there are noe more to poll for Mr. Mildmay 
and Mr. Luther. And Mr. Mildmay then comeing 
on the Bench (for he had binn to refresh too, or to send 
for his partee to come in) the Sheriff came to him and 
askt what he should doe. Mr. Mildmay replyed, 
make three proclamations, and if noebodycome I will 
acquies. ... (I) advised them to make Proclamation 
if there were any would guive vote for Mr. Mildmay 
or Mr. Luther, that had not voted alreadie, they 
would come in, or the poll wilbe closed ; . . . and none 
comeinge the Sheriff demanded all the bookes from 
the clerks. . . . Upon his view it appeared the 
columns for Maynard and Fanshaw were full ; but 
most of the others were not neere full. ... So he 
declared that Sir William Mainard and Sir Thomas 
Fanshaw were chosen knights of the Sheire by the 
pluralitie of voices.' ^ 

The King, made bold by the first outburst of loyalty 
attendant on his accession, determined to practice 
his form of religion openly. Easter was approaching, 
and he arranged to have Mass said in Westminster 
Abbey to celebrate the day. One hundred and 
twenty-five years had elapsed since the Roman rites 
had been performed in this venerable pile, and James 
summoned all the chief men of his Court to attend 

^ Autobiography of Sir John Braiitston, passim. 

i685] EASTER DAY 187 

him in state on the occasion. Sunderland and 
Godolphin were quickly compliant, but Rochester, 
whose life does not lead one to suppose him par- 
ticularly susceptible to the calls of conscience or the 
niceties of theological distinction, remembered that 
with all of his own following he figured as an up- 
holder of the Established Church, and mindful of 
his political necessities begged leave to spend the 
holiday in the country. Ormonde and Halifax accom- 
panied the King as far as the ante-chamber, carrying 
out their parts to the limit that temporal jurisdiction 
demanded. Albemarle from his childhood had been 
a staunch supporter of the Established Church of 
England, and we find him in Essex at Newhall, deaf 
alike to the demands for his presence in London by 
the Senate of Cambridge University, and the criticisms 
of his regiment by the King. Lieutenant-Colonel 
Edward Grifi'en had addressed the following letter to 
him, and it was one well calculated to bring the Duke 
quickly to London, with all his military pride aroused : 

* The King last night gave order that he would see 
his three troops of guards in Hyde Parke this morning. 
I am sorry to tell your Grace that yours was so thin 
I was ashamed of it, only six score and four in all ; 
on calling the list, I found fifteen absent of whom no 
good account could be given, so I have ordered them 
all to the Marshal until I know your pleasure. The 
King said publicly we were the weakest troop of the 
three. He was pleased to exercise us himself, and 
said we were good boys and did very well.' ^ 

But Albemarle obstinately remained out of town. 

A man owning so much land as did Albemarle had 
a great task before him to return to Parliament men 
of the King's politics, if not of his religion, and this 
duty would serve as sufficient explanation of his 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 15th Report, Montagu of Beaulieu MSS., p. 189. 


absence from Court. How to meet the demands of 

Mr. Pepys for Harwich and fulfil the King's promise 

to Sir Philip Parker for the Sandwich seat^ were 

deeply perplexing problems, and Mr. Fairwell was still 

without a constituency. At Clitheroe in Lancashire, 

where he had great interest, disputes had arisen. 

Albemarle had promised one seat to his own legal 

adviser, Sir Thomas Stringer, and by request of the 

King, Colonel E. Ashton was to occupy the other. 

Just when all seemed to be going smoothly, news was 

brought that Lord Derby, through one R. Kenyon, 

had proposed the name of his brother, Mr. Stanley, 

thus leaving Albemarle's candidate, Stringer, without 

a seat.^ Heated letters immediately followed. R. 

Kenyon is ' very much troubled,' but refuses to retire 

Lord Derby's brother. Each feels sure of the King's 

particular interest for his respective candidate, and 

so the war of words went on.^ The ' Return of 

Members of Parliament ' shows that Mr. Stanley was 

triumphant and the Duke discomfited.* 

The Tories had been much in the ascendency since 
the discovery of the Rye House plot, and they were 
at this moment strongly loyal to the new King, not 
having as yet felt the weight of James's tyranny and 
bigotry. By taking away the old charters of many 
towns and giving new ones, influence was held almost 
entirely by the King's adherents. ' Lord Bath,' says 
Evelyn, * carried down with him (into Cornwall) no 
fewer than fifteen charters, so that some called him 
" the Prince Elector." ' 

Immediately after Easter, Albemarle hurried to 
London to be ready to take his part in the Coronation 
services. Gorgeous in his robes of state, he bore the 

^ Hist MSS. Com., 15;/; Report, Montagu of Beaulieu MSS., p. 190. 
^ Hist. MSS. Com., 14/A Report, Kenyon MSS., p. 179. 
" Ibid., p. 178. « Vol. i. p. 553. 


sceptre and dove, walking directly before his 
Sovereign, and on the left of St. Edward's crown 
in the procession in the Abbey .-^ The Duchess was 
sufficiently recovered to take her part in the cere- 
mony. The King, ever economical, bought jewels 
for his Queen with the money which should have 
been spent upon the procession through the city, and 
so chilled the loyalty of the citizens. Privy Council 
meetings were numerous, and Albemarle was diligent 
in his attendance, for after his lean year of disfavour 
royal smiles were very precious. 

^ Sandford, The History of the Coronation of James II. (in the Savoy, 


During the heat of the Essex elections Albemarle 
was the recipient of the following reassuring letter 
from Dr. Barwick : 

'Mar. 31, 1685. 

' May it please yo^ Grace, — This is only to 
present my most humble duty, and to acquaint yo'' 
Gr. that my La. D. seemes to me to be in very good 
health. Her Grace takes great satisfaction in Riding 
and beleives herself much beter in health by it. I am 
allways importunat with her Gr. to be very carefull 
and cautious, and especially not to be out late, the 
Night being lyable to so many misfortunes : And I 
am assured both by herself and by her servants that 
her Gr. is never out late, but rides out allways in the 
morning to avoyd late howers. However I having 
received some intimation by Mr. Chapman from yo*" 
Gr. to oblige her to great Caution about riding I 
thought it my duty to both yo"^ Graces to let her know 
in a Leter writ yesterday with what tender care and 
sollicitude yo'" Gr. was concerned for fear some mis- 
fortune might befall her. Her Cough, horseness, and 
sore throte are all perfectly gone. Her Gr. eat her 
diner (I thought) indifferently well on Saturday, but 
she tould me she eat much beter on Friday when she 
was abrode. I wish yo"" Gr. ye same successe at 
Maiden and other places in the service of ye Kng 
and Country as you have had latly at Colchester and 
Sanwich.' ^ 

The Duchess had many family matters with which 
to occupy her thoughts. Her sister Katherine, whom 
she had with so much difficulty taught to read, had 

^ Montagu House MSS. 


lately married Lord Thanet. It was believed to be 
a great match, and the family were correspondingly 
pleased over the affair. The fourth of the Cavendish 
sisters, Frances, had also married. Lord Glenorchy, 
son of the first Earl of Breadalbane,^ was the husband 
chosen for her. Lord Breadalbane, as a member of 
the Scottish Privy Council, had visited London 
before the Coronation, and was ' reputed the best 
headpiece in Scotland' by those who knew him well.^ 
He had been a friend of General Monck before the 
Restoration, so that it is the less strange to find his 
son. Lord Glenorchy, recommended by Albemarle 
to the Duke of Newcastle as a suitable husband for 
the Lady Frances. The marriage was a sudden affair, 
and the young lady's prospects were regarded as but 
mediocre in comparison with those of her sisters. The 
news of the match was not well received at Court, 
and called forth the following letter of explanation 
from the Duke of Newcastle to Lord Sunderland : 

'Wellbeck, 21/8$. 

* My Lord, — I receved ye Honnor of your LoP^ of ye 
nth instant by my Lord Breadalbaine, last Wensday 
and I begg of your LoP ye favor of acquainte his 
Maj*'^ I am w'^ all humility thankefull to his Majt% 
for takeing notes of my marrying a Daughter ; And 
I humbly intreate your LqP to obHge me soe much as 
to acquainte his Mag^^, I was an absolute stranger to 
My Lord Breadalbaine tell I received your LoP letter, 
and I have never inquired into his LoP esstate assure- 
ing my selfe an esstate in ye Highlands in Scotland 
afford very little money. My Lord Duke of Albe- 
marle reccommended this marriage to me and his 
Graces reccommendation and my Daughter being 
willing to goe in to Scotland caused my consent, 
otherwise I humbly assure your LoP^ I would never 

^ Chiefly remembered for his connection with the massacre of 

* Correspondence of Colonel Hooke, Roxburghe Club (1870), i. 49. 


have marryed a Daughter in Scotland. I am w* 
great respect, My Lord, Your LoP most humble and 
most obedient servS H. Newcastle.' ^ 

These explanations were presumably considered 
sufficient, for early in May, when Parliament assem- 
bled, the Duke of Newcastle made a journey to 
London to attend and probably visited his daughter 
Elizabeth at his own house in Clerkenwell. He and 
Albemarle attended a Council meeting on May 15. 

Lord Thanet and his bride came also to London, 
and lodged in Lord Thanet's ' Mansion in Pall Mall, 
which also had a frontage on St. James' Square.' ^ 
From thence Lady Thanet went to Court under the 
guidance of her sister, the Duchess of Albemarle. 
The Earl took occasion to write of his wife's em- 
ployments to his mother-in-law at Welbeck. The 
letter is of great length, but parts of it may be of 
interest : 

* Madam, — ... I think most of her (Lady 
Thanet's) Relations and freinds have been with her 
and I beleive are well pleased to see her, but she has 
been Under that great misfortune of being dissapointed 
by her Taylor to this day for her Goune, but this 
night my Lady Dutchess her sister (Duchess of Albe- 
marle) conducts her to Court w"^^ I find she w^ould be 
well pleased was over. I find she has noe inclination 
to Basset w'^^ is the way for Ladys to introduce them- 
selves to favour there ; She contrives (conducts her- 
self) I thank God very well, though formality and 
impertinent cerimoney has kept her much at home ; 
she has began to sett for her Picture to Cross, ^ w^^ 
he promises me shall be well done before I leave the 
Towne ; and doubt^ not but to make it very like, for 

^ S.P. Dom., James 11., vol. i. No. 21. 

* Drake-Elliott, The Family and Heirs of Sir Francis Drake, vol. ii. 
p. 78. 

* L. Crosse, the miniaturist. A miniature of Lady Thanet at Welbeck 
Abbey is beheved to be a copy of the portrait then executed by Crosse. 


I long to have It in my pocket when I am absent the 
likeness of what I soe dearly love.' ^ 

The accession of King James offered fresh oppor- 
tunities for petitioners, and Albemarle was constantly 
besieged with letters praying for favours, the greater 
number of them showing much similarity of char- 
acter. However, he received one at this time which 
for originality deserved preservation. William Finet, 
once a domestic in the Duke's service, finds himself 
in difficulties, and writes to his former master from the 
Rules of the King's Bench : 

' There is a verse in Martial's epigrams that Ille 
dolet verl qui sine teste dolet. I may now say Ille 
dolet vere qui sine veste dolet, being that I cannot suit 
myself, in company with some gentlemen my fellow- 
prisoners in this place. Moreover, such is my severe 
fortune that the subsistance money I have will not 
allow me both food and raiment. I was a domestic 
once under your Grace's roof. If you please to 
bestow on me at this time a livery for my old master's 
sake of blessed memory, I shall think myself a person 
of some fashion, and sooner forget my name than my 
engagements to your Grace's favours, which, so multi- 
plied, would engage the ungrateful to an acknowledg- 
ment. I must confess your love hath been still more 
manifested by the effects of your goodness than (by) 
any desert of mine, but my pen must not run in such 
a complimental strain least I gain the reputation of a 
fine-tongued courtier and lose that of honest Will 
Finet. ... I hope that your Grace may dispense for 
two hours' space with the services of either honest 
Mr, Chapman or Mr. Fountaine (both long In Albe- 
marle's service), that I may drench my long beard 
with two bumpers of claret to both your Grace's 
healths and make his face cheerful who with the muddy 
ale of Southwark is much put out of countenance.' ^ 

1 Welbeck MSS. Exhibits in Chancery proceedings touching the will 
of Henry, second Duke of Newcastle. 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., 15th Report, Montagu of Beaulieu MSS., p. 190. 


Such a letter would bring to its recipient a moment 
of pure laughter and of relaxation from the tension 
felt, in these days, by men interested in the march 
of events. Ominous rumours were abroad. Every 
port was doubly guarded, every traveller scrutinised, 
while the post brought frequent news of the arrest 
of men w^hose soft white hands betrayed that their 
coarse sailor clothes were but a disguise. 

Outwardly the life at Whitehall was joyously self- 
interested. The courtier's chief concern was centred 
seemingly in the rise of favourites, and in speculation 
as to who should hold places of honour and influence 
about the new King ; for the Royal household beheld 
many changes — Lord Bath was no longer Groom of 
the Stole nor the Duke of Albemarle a Gentleman of 
the Bedchamber. 


All through this hot, dusty, rainless spring, while 
caterpillars devoured the fruit-trees and old oaks 
died,^ the new Court grew in briUiancy. This not- 
withstanding that rumour had now become certainty 
that those who formerly had upheld the Exclusion 
Bill, and favoured the pretensions of the Duke of 
Monmouth, were determined not to acquiesce in the 
accession of King James, whom they continued to 
name the Duke of York. The peace of the new 
Sovereign and his ministers was profoundly disturbed, 
and late in the spring of 1685 news from Holland of 
the activities of the Duke of Argyll brought forth pro- 
tests from James to the Prince of Orange. However, 
these were unavailing, and the Scottish expedition 
set forth to win their countrymen. A few days later, 
tidings came that Monmouth had allowed himself to 
be persuaded that his right to the English throne could 
be maintained, and he had already taken ship after a 
half-hearted opposition from the Dutch authorities. 

On the first authentic information that an invasion 
was impending, Albemarle made all speed to Devon, 
where he had long been Lord-Lieutenant. Here at 
last was the chance for military glory, of which he had 
so long dreamed. His father's example shone bright 
before him. The thought of failure was impossible 
to George Monck's son. To raise the militia, arm 
them, and strengthen the fortifications was his first 
care, and he bent to the task with a will. The 

^ Evelyn, Diary, May 24, 1685. 


Duchess, a-quiver with feminine alarms, was left to 
eat out her heart, alone, in Clerkenwell. Her letter 
of June 4 shows her, forgetful of past domestic jars, 
a prey to terrors in true wifely fashion ; 

* My deare Lord, — Ye confusion I am in you will 
eseyley emagin by Dayley ill nuses [news]. I have 
not sleped all ye last night, my feares have incresed 
Soe fast and with such Great reson. Deareist 
cretuare, you will wonder at this letter foloeing ye 
outher soe fast, excuses ye trouble I give you and 
when you consider ye danger that is round you, you 
will pardon me eseyar for being soe Tender ; did you 
know my thoughts your love to me would mocion 
you to Greeve for my present Torment. I am to 
ignorant to advises and my Deare has to large share 
of Jugment in ware matters to feare anything can 
goe amis for want of condouckt, nether doe I think 
you will be a rach [rash] ackter. God spare your life, 
you will be as Great as your Good, I being for evner 
Your affectionate Dutyfull Wife, 

' E. Albemarle. ^ 

'Vf 4 of Jim. 1685.' 

This letter should have reached Albemarle at his 
headquarters at Exeter, where he had found the castle 
in great disrepair. In a letter written June 10 to 
Lord Dartmouth, he sensibly remarks that he thinks 
it necessary to render the castle of Exeter fit to re- 
ceive the arms of the county, which will be consider- 
able when they are all brought together. Some money 
was left by the late King for repairing it, and he 
desires that Major Beckmann, or some other engineer, 
may be sent to view the castle, so that the money may 
not be spent in vain.^ But it was too late for such 
preparations. The very next morning the Helderen- 
bergh and its consorts sailed into the port of Lyme 

1 Montagu House MSS. 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., iith Report, Dartmouth MSS., June 10, 1685, 
p. 124. 


Regis, bringing Monmouth and his fellow-conspira- 
tors — Lord Grey, Ferguson, Goodenough, Wade, 
Nellthorpe, and a Brandenburgher, Buyse by name. 
There were only some eighty-five souls in his party, 
perhaps three hundred pounds in money, and a scanty 
supply of arms and ammunition. Well might they 
exclaim in Parliament next session when reviewing 
the events of that summer's rebellion : * If the King 
of France had landed, what would have become of us.' 

Monmouth knelt upon the beach to utter a prayer, 
then, drawing his sword, led his party into Lyme. The 
inhabitants received him handsomely, shouting, ' A 
Monmouth, a Monm.outh, the Protestant Religion ' ; 
while the blue flag of the adventurers was run up in 
the market-place. Only the Mayor, Gregory Alford, a 
firm Tory, posted off in a fine fright to summon the 
King's troops. He reached the Duke of Albemarle 
late at night, and poured forth a wild account of the 
number of the invaders and his own narrow escape. 

Had Albemarle at this moment followed his own 
inclination and relied upon his own judgment, he 
would have delivered a swift and telling blow to Mon- 
mouth and brought the rebeUion to an inglorious end 
at its very inception.^ Unfortunately, he listened to 
the story of the Mayor of Lyme, and took council 
with his officers of militia ; in consequence, instead of 
marching to battle he sent dispatches to London. 
These dispatches demanded reinforcements, for he 
had only four thousand militia, and believed Mon- 
mouth to have brought troops w^ith him from the 
Continent. He was also aware that he could not 
strike the invader until he came within the county 
of Devon. Speedy replies from Lord Sunderland 
remedied this difficulty. 

^ Bramston states that Albemarle had explicit orders to remain in 
Exeter and defend the county of Devon. 



' Whitehall, /««s 13, 1685. 
Duke of Albemarle. 

* My Lord, — I received this morning two Letters 
from y'' Grace both of the 12th Instant, in the first 
whereof you give an account of the D. of Monmouth 
being landed, of the Forces with him, which His Ma^'^ 
commands me to tell you are not near so great as the 
Mayor of Lime has represented y"^ to you. And as 
to the Detachment y'' Grace desires, His Ma^'^ has 
commanded four Troops of Horse, and two Troops of 
Dragoons and five Company's of Foot to march 
immediately to Salisbury and to be assistant to the 
Lard Lieutenants of the Countys thereabouts as His 
Ma^'*^^ Service Shall require. They will be there on 
Monday and Coll. Kirk with them. 

' The King commands me to let you know y^ he 
places an Entire Confidence in y'' Conduct and zeale 
for his Service, and therefore leaves it to y"" discretion 
to march with the Forces of the County, and to pro- 
ceed in all things on this occasion, as you shall see 
cause and judge it best for his service, and His Ma^'« 
having authorized Several Lord Lieutenants to march 
with the Mihtia out of the Countyes, I send enclosed 
to y'^ Grace a letter by which His Ma^'*^ gives you the 
same authority. 

' I have acquainted his Ma^^^ w''' what you write in 
yours of the 10^^^ for power to seize on all suspected 
persons, \vhich His Ma^'*^ commands me to tell you, y^ 
as Lord-Lieutenent and Justice of the Peace you have 
it already and therefore directs you to put it in 
execution, on all such persons within the County. — I 
am, My Lord, V Grace's, etc., 

' Sunderland.' ^ 

But next day Lord Sunderland sent more restrict- 
ing orders : 

' The King Commands me to let y'' Grace Know 
y^^ He is sending Severall Troops towards you, w^^ 
will be soone withe you, and y' He thinkes fit y^ in y^ 

1 Letters relating to the Duke of Monmouth's RebeUion, June 13 to 
July 21, 1685, S.P. Dom., James u., vol. ii. letter i. 


meanetime, as long as Ye D. of Monmouth Stayes 
in Lyme, you Should forbear to attempt any thing 
against him, Except upon great advantages. His 
Ma^'^ would also have you endeavour by all meanes 
to Keepe Stragling people from goeing to the said 
Duke, and in Case he should march out of Lime 
towards Taunton, or elsewhere into the Country, His 
Ma'"^ would have you to attend his motions, and take 
any fitting occasion to attack him, which His Ma''^ 
leaves to your discretion.' ^ 

This delay in striking the first blow may have been 
a design on the part of the ministry to allow Mon- 
mouth thoroughly to incriminate himself by calling 
the people to arms against their lawful King. If so, 
it was attended by serious results, for the Devon 
militia, fiercely Protestant, now had time to consider 
their position, and their hearts misgave them when 
they daily beheld their friends and neighbours gather- 
ing to the blue banner of the Duke of Monmouth. It 
is clear from the letters written by the commanders 
at the front to Sunderland that though they wished 
to attack they feared to move without direct orders 
from the King. 

Meanwhile in London, on June 12, the Privy 
Council proclaimed Monmouth traitor, and Parlia- 
ment was not slow in confirming it. The King wrote 
to the Prince of Orange on June 15, from Whitehall : 

' I was this day at the Parliament in my Roabs 
[Robes] to pass two money bills, two private ones and 
another for attainting of the D. of Monmouth, and I 
hope that in a few days he will not be in a very good 
condition.' ^ 

The King's orders sent to the scene of war came too 
late. For the same day that Monmouth was declared 

^ S.P. Dom., James ii., 1685, vol. ii. letter 2, 

3 S.P. Dom., King William's Chest. Letters of James 11. to William 
of Orange. 


traitor In London, and his proclamation burned by the 
common hangman, he took up his march out of Lyme 
toward the north. Albemarle, still in Exeter, well 
advised of this intention, sent orders to his sub- 
ordinate officers to join him in Axminster to head off 
the march. Just what happened is variously told. 
Lord Churchill,^ who was already in the west, and not 
far from the scene of disaster, seems the most reliable 
recorder. Writing to King James, he says : 

' The Duke of Albemarle sent to Sir Edward 
Phillips and Col. Lutterell, that he would be at 
Axminster on such a day with some forces, and would 
have them meet him there. So away marched these 
two regiments, one out of Chard the other out of 
Crewkern and when they came to the top of the Hill 
within a half mile of the town, there came out some 
country people, and said that the Duke of Monmouth 
was In the Town ; At that one Capt. Littleton cried 
out, " We are all betrayed," so the Soldiers immedi- 
ately look at one another and threw down their arms 
and tied, leaving their officers and colours behind ; half, 
if not the greatest part, are gone to the Rebels. I do 
humbly submit this to your Majesty's commands in 
what I should do in it. For there is not any relying 
on these Regiments that are left, unless we had some 
of Your Majesty's standing forces to lead them on 
and encourage them, for at this unfortunate news I 
never saw people so daunted In my life. I have sent 
away just now to the Duke of A(lbemarle) to send 
4000 men to Crewkern and Chard, and that I will be 
there as soon as I hear they are arrived.' ^ 

Oldmixon, a contemporary historian, was a very 
little boy in Bridgwater at the time of the rebellion, 
and he could only echo local tradition. He personally 
favoured Monmouth's cause, or rather chose to extol 
the rebellious men of his own county. He describes 

* Afterwards the first Duke of Marlborough. 

* Hist. MSS. Com., ^rd Report, Northumberland MSS., p. 97. 


this little battle with some detail ; how both armies 
planned to occupy Axminster that night, but Mon- 
mouth reached the goal first, lined the hedges with 
his rustics, 'planted his four little field pieces' and 
awaited an engagement. Albemarle, as we know, did 
not reach the neighbourhood until all was over, and 
so had no opportunity to keep order among his militia, 
who, Oldmixon announces, with great authority, 
' marched off in great disorder and confusion.' ^ 

The truth seems to be that Albemarle, meeting the 
fugitive regiments of Phillips and Luttrell, many of 
whose men now proved themselves to be no enemies 
to Monmouth by going over to his army, arms and 
all, fell back to recover and to await dispatches 
from Whitehall. So Monmouth passed by him to 
Taunton to that pitiful triumph of waving banners, 
and streets flower-strewn by sweet young school 
girls, while the populace renewed again, for him, 
the enthusiasm of those semi-royal progresses of his 
former years. 

Albemarle, having put some heart into his wavering 
militia, more through his personal influence than their 
own conviction, pressed on to Wellington to prevent 
the enemy from turning toward the west. At the 
same time, the regiment of Somersetshire Militia, 
advancing to join those of Devon, failed even more in- 
gloriously than had their neighbours. For, according 
to Oldmixon : 

* They had no sooner entered a narrow lane in their 
way than, observing the mouths of two or three 
hollow trees unluckily pointed to their front, they 
immediately turned tail and fled, every man to 
his own home, except such as staid for the Duke of 
Monmouth's coming, and then went in to him.' 

Indeed, it is said that the red and yellow uniforms of 

^ Oldmixon, History of England under the House of Stuart , p. 701. 


the men of Somerset were the ornament of the Duke 
of Monmouth's army. Much writing of letters back 
and forth between the Lord-Lieutenants of Mihtia 
followed. Each begged the other to advance. The 
Earl of Sunderland implored the Duke of Somerset 
to join forces with Albemarle. In the meantime the 
regulars had begun to arrive, and were giving back- 
bone to the wavering militia. 

On the 17th and i8th, the King quite naively writes 
of his troubles to the Stadtholder : 

* Through the fault of the militia bands of Devon 
or Somersetshire the Rebels have opened their way 
toward Taunton.' ^ 

While Albemarle at Wellington tried by every art 
to encourage his men, the inhabitants of the old 
Puritan town of Taunton were all unwittingly lead- 
ing their adored Monmouth to his doom. Untrust- 
worthy councillors had already advised him to cast 
aside discretion and declare himself king. The cheers 
of the populace, and now the sight of the waving 
banners embroidered by the twenty-seven maids of 
Taunton, more especially the largest of these, re- 
splendent with gold lace and fringe and bearing on 
its face a great 'J. R.' surmounted by a royal crown, 
filled him with the vainglorious belief that he was 
publicly recognised as the rightful heir to the throne. 
He now took the decisive step, and caused himself 
to be proclaimed king at the market-cross. He was 
greatly surprised that no men of birth or consequence 
had joined him. To remedy this need was his first 
care. The Duke of Albemarle, but few miles distant, 
holding to their duty with difficulty his weak-hearted 
militia, seemed to Monmouth a hopeful subject for 
overtures. He accordingly set for himself the task of 

^ Letters of James 11. to William of Orange. 


writing a letter calculated to win to his standard his 
former rival and earlier friend. 

* My Lord,' he wrote, * Whereas Wee are credibly 
informed that there are some Horse and foot in Armes 
under yo'" Command for James, Duke of Yorke, w'^'^ 
are purposely raised in oposicion to Us and Our 
Royall Authority We have thought fitt to signifie to 
you Our Ro^^all resentment and doe promise Ourselfe 
that what you have transacted therein is through 
Inadvertency and mistake, and that yo^ Grace will 
take other measures when you have receivd this in- 
formation of Our being proclaimed King to succeed 
Our Royall Father lately deceased. Wee have therefore 
sent this Messenger on purpose to intimate the Same 
unto you, and it is our Royall Will and pleasure, and 
We do hereby strictly charge and command you upon 
Notice of the same unto you and receipt hereof to 
cease all Hostilities and force of Armes against us and 
all our loveing Subjects and that your Grace would 
imediately repaire to Our Campe where you shall not 
faill of Kind and Harty Reception from us. And in 
default of the premises We shall be obliged to pro- 
claime you and all those in Armes under your Com- 
mand, Rebells and Tray tors and shall proceed against 
them and you accordingly. Yett we assure Ourselfe 
that yo"" Grace will pay reddy Obedience to Our com- 
mand Wherefore Wee bid you heartily farewell. 

' James R. 

* To our Trusty and Well-beloved Cozin and Coun- 
cellor Christopher, Lord Duke of Albemarle.' ^ 

Albemarle's ire on receiving this summons brought 

^ Of this letter there are three contemporary copies. Two are in the 
British Museum. The first, Harl. MSS. 7006, fo. 95, endorsed in 
Lord Clarendon's handwriting, has on the back a list of Monmouth's 
commissioned officers and tlie names and prospects for fines of the 
' Maids of Taunton.' It may have been used as a memorandum at a 
council meeting. The second. Add. MSS. 19,399, fo. 140, is followed 
by what is probably Albemarle's copy of his reply, as it is headed ' My 
answer.' The third is in the possession of Lord Montagu of Beaulieu. 
A reproduction of the last-named is shown in Arthur, Story of the 
Household Cavalry. 


forth a reply which stated his position in no uncertain 
words : 

* I have received Your Lre and doe not doubt but 
you would use mee very kindely if you had me, and 
since you have given y^^'self the trouble of invitacon 
this is to lett you know that I never was and never will 
be a Rebell to my Lawful King, who is James the 
Second, brother to my late Dear Master, King Charles 
the Second. If you think I am in the wrong and y°' 
Self in the right, whenever we meet I doe not doubt 
but the Justice of my Cause shall sufficiently con- 
vince you, that you had better have lett this RebeUion 
alone, and not to have put the Nacon to so much 
truble. Albemarle.' ^ 

He wrote the direction ' For James Scott, late Duke 
of Monmouth,' and hastily dispatched it by the same 
trumpeter who had served as Monmouth's messenger. 
Then, bethinking himself that news of this transaction 
would be early received in London, he wrote, still 
under the influence of strong excitement, to Lord 

Sunderland in this wise : 

' Wellington, /««^ 21, 1685. 

* My Lord, — Nothing considerable has passed Since 
my last to y"^ Lord?', My Lord Churchill has not yet 
joyned me, and having noe order to attack the enemy 
without him would not attempt it ; if it had been 
done when I first desired it, I believe the Rebels would 
have mett with some defeat before this time ; the 
enclosed letter I received last night, was from the late 
Duke of Monmouth, which I have sent with my answer 
annexed to it, I am, Y"" Lord^P most humble Servant, 

' Albemarle.' ^ 

With this he enclosed Monmouth's letter and a copy 
of his own reply written upon the enclosing sheet of 
Monmouth's, and still bearing the address and seal. 
This letter to Albemarle and his proclamation at 

1 Brit. Mus., Harl. MSS. 7006, fo. 195. 
* Brit. Mus., Add. MSS. 19,399, fo. 138. 


the market-cross of Taunton finally cut off Mon- 
mouth from hope of pardon.^ Albemarle received 
compliments from the King on his action, while 
Monmouth's letter, which was widely copied and 
sent about the country, aroused the mirth of courtiers. 
Lord Moray wrote to the Marquis of Queensberry 
concerning it : 

^June 22nd, 1685. 

' The late Duke of Monmouthe has now the im- 
pudens to acte as Kinge. He has urytin [written] 
a letter to the Duke of Albemarell beg[in]inge it — 
Right trusty and wel-belovd Cusin and Counceler, 
and concluds it — From our Camp at Taunton ; but 
cals him his Grace in some parts of it, so that he hes 
not yet learnd the Style. . , . The Kinge is extremly 
harast.' ^ 

In truth, every one connected with the rebellion 
was harassed. The Duchess suffered from appre- 
hension, both political and personal, and she poured 
forth her fears upon paper : 

* My deare Lord, — I am exstremley troubled at ye 
difarant storryes, I ouarely heare, but that which 
desturbs me most [is] to find soe meny roueman 
Catheleeks gon to you ; for God sake find a way to 
have them retourn for feare of loseing your interist. 
Heven spare your life, for I have leved in such pane 
sences you went that tis imposable for my Deare 
master to emagin. — Yours for evuer most Dutyfulley, 

' E. Albemarle. 

'K? 19 ofjun. 1685.' 3 

^ Among these manuscripts in the British Museum is a curious note 
explaining the fate of most of the correspondence relating to this rising. 
King James on his flight out of the country in 1688 confided the papers 
to Bishop Spratt, who on his death bequeathed them to a nephew. The 
widow objected, and after certain litigation the nephew burned them 
rather than restore them to Mrs. Spratt. 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., i5//j Report, Buccleuch MSS. at Drumlanrig 
Castle, p. 80. 

3 Montagu House MSS. 


The chief cause of the Duchess's anxiety lay in 
the association of her husband with the young Duke 
of Berwick, the son of King James and Arabella 
Churchill, who had been reared in his father's faith. 
Although only fourteen years of age, he had ' en- 
treated to be allowed to serve under Christopher, 
Duke of Albemarle, against his unhappy cousin.' The 
King was naturally unwilling to grant his request, 
but his importunities eventually prevailing, the Duke 
of Albemarle was directed to receive him as his aide- 
de-camp, but with strict orders to watch over his 
safety, and guard him from unnecessary peril. ^ This 
boy foreshadowed his subsequent brilliant military 
career by more than one feat of daring during this 
rebellion, and must have proved an added source of 
anxiety to his commanding officer. 

Another drawback to Albemarle's comfort lay in 
the fact that some of his most trusted officers were 
unable for one reason or another to be with him. John 
Sydenham, who had served for many years in the 
militia, and had written many a dutiful letter to his 
Lord-Lieutenant, thus explains his absence : 

'ExON.,/««^ the 23, 1685. 

* My Lord, ... In the afternoone as I was taking 
horse I was taken prisiner by an unusall base vulger 
enemy Cawled the Gowte ; last night I thought by 
a vomitt to have shifted my selfe from him, but hee 
is still very troublesum to mee, the torment of my 
mind afflickes mee more then the distemper, that I 
should be absent from your Grace at A time of Tryall, 
when Duty and Affection Commands my Attendance 
and the best of my performanses. I will take Ruffe 
mesurs to free my selfe of it. If not, I will troope 
with one Boote and one Gambads^ in your Grace's 

* Jesse, Memoirs of the Court of England during the Stuarts, vol. iv. 
p. 484. 

* Gambado : a large boot fixed to the saddle of a horseman to protect 
the rider's foot and leg. Used instead of a stirrup. 


servise. I wish your Grace health, happinesse, pre- 
servation and victory Against all your Enimise which 
shall ever be the prayers and well wishes of Your 
Grace's Most Devoted humble ser., 

' Jo. Sydenham. 
' All y"^ obedient Servants here are very vigilent in 
there Duties and F^^ [letters] here fly as thick as 
natts.' 1 

Meanwhile panting couriers covered all the roads 
leading to the capital, where great dissatisfaction 
reigned. The King could not or would not under- 
stand the attitude of the militia, who everywhere in 
the west failed him. He ascribed to disloyalty and 
cowardice what was really due to profound religious 
conviction. The militia would not fight in the cause 
of a Roman Catholic king against a Protestant pre- 
tender. Certain regiments having been recalled 
hastily from Holland, the king was able to send the 
regular troops from London to the front. These well- 
disciplined men, he believed, could be depended upon 
to be without personal convictions, and to fight 
valorously for the hand that paid them. 

The King now went so far as to distrust his Lord- 
Lieutenants, and he proceeded to create a commanding 
general, who should take rank above any one of them. 
For this place he chose a foreigner, Louis Duras, Lord 
Feversham. He was a nephew of the great Turenne, 
but was himself a man who thought of little beyond 
eating and sleeping. The first intimation of this 
change of authority came to Albemarle in another 
letter from his wife, who saw in this discomfiture to 
her husband an opportunity for his speedy return to 

' My deare Lord, — I am ouver Joyed to know by 
won that comes from you that your well ; the asure- 

^ Montagu House MSS. 


ances of your safety and helth is the Greatist happynes 
I can poses, and I hope I can Bare all misfortiunes 
with eses soe your out of Danger. I am in Som hopes 
I shall see my Deare soon, being the King has noe 
sorvis for you and his Magistyes think fiting ^ to put 
thouses ouver you you have soe long coman(d)ed, 
which is my Lord ferfuersham and Churchill, too much 
beloe you in evuery surkamstance [circumstance] as 
to exspreuances [experience]. 

* Deare love, save your mony and lesen not your 
Greatnes, which you full understand without my 
advises. — You(r)s most Dutyfully, 

' E. Albemarle. 

' Ve 23 ofjun. 1685.' 2. 

Lord Churchill finally joined Albemarle with the 
long-expected reinforcements, but Monmouth was 
gone to Glastonbury. Churchill pursued, while Albe- 
marle occupied Taunton and busied himself with 
pulling down Monmouth's manifestoes, some of them 
declaring Albemarle himself a traitor. When for- 
warding these to Whitehall, he wrote to Sunderland : 

' Taunton, ///w 23, 1685. 

* My Lord, — I came hither this night, where I 
founed these several proclamations w'^^ I send to your 
LoPP only for your diversion, — I am, My Lord, Yo*^^ 
LoPP most humble servant, Albemarle.' ^ 

The wave of Monmouth's success had now passed 
its crest. To the west Albemarle held firm, on the 
north and east the Duke of Beaufort and the Earl of 
Pembroke hemmed the rebels in. Across Salisbury 
Plain advanced the regulars, and behind them were 
forming the militia of more loyal counties. He pressed 
on to Wells, where his followers desecrated the beauti- 
ful cathedral. Frequent small affrays with troops led 
by Churchill and Oglethorp resulted in great losses to 

^ The Duchess probably intended to write ' thinking fit.' 

• Montagu House MSS. ^ Brit. Mus., Harl. MSS. 7006, fo. 193. 


the rebels. The torrents of rain which fell here, 
leaving the rest of sun-scorched England untouched, 
made the roads nearly impassable to his weary 
followers. When they met the enemy their primi- 
tive weapons forced upon them a realisation of the 
great disadvantage under which they laboured.^ 
Monmouth himself was too experienced a soldier not 
to perceive his own predicament. If he meditated 
flight, he was held to his duty by the pitiful condition 
of those who had sacrificed their all for him. Un- 
certain where to go, he turned back to Bridgwater, 
where, from the church tower, he beheld some twenty- 
five hundred regular troops and five hundred Wiltshire 
militia encamped and awaiting his attack. Macaulay 
has described with what melancholy reflections Mon- 
mouth viewed those Foot Guards whom he had once 

In these days Albemarle was still receiving com- 
plimentary letters from Lord Sunderland, and he 
had returned to Exeter to carry out the King's in- 
structions. He had secured Lyme, both the town 
and the shipping — for Admiral Herbert had come by 
sea to his support.^ 

His orders were to hang out of hand, without trial, 
all who had proclaimed Monmouth king, a measure 
with which Albemarle seemed very loth to comply, 
until assured by the King that ' having consulted 
those most able in the Law ' ^ his authority to exer- 
cise military justice was unquestioned. Letters came 
every day from Lord Sunderland commenting favour- 
ably upon Albemarle's plans, urging him to even 
greater efforts to prevent the rebels from securing 
provisions and horses, and always ending with a sigh 

^ See the scythe used by Monmouth's rebels preserved in the Tower 
of London. 

2 Ranke, History oj England, vol, iv. pp. 255-6, 
* S.P. Dom., James 11., vol. ii. letter u. 


for the untrustworthy state of the mihtia who, headed 
by the Duke of Grafton, had continued their in- 
glorious habit of running away from the invaders. 

The soHcitude of the Duchess redoubled as the 
dangers thickened round her Lord. 

' P 31 ofjun. (1685). 

* My deare Lord, — I beg to heare very often ; if 
you hope I shall ever sleep, from any boddy about 

' To heare your alive is some satisfackcion, but when 
I consider ye dangere your in, ye worst freind I have 
will Pitty me ; this last nuses which is come covers 
me with continuall feares of foul play which all most 
gives me a despare of never seeing you more ; if that 
sad fate seseis me I pray to God to have such mersey 
for his poore servant as to give but won bloe to us 
bouth for I love you to well to parte with you at les 
esey termes then such a desire desarves. Your soe 
Good and soe Deare to me that noe outher thoughts 
then theses can posable have an exses. I am full of 
a troubled Tendernes and have good reson upon a 
thounthen [thousand] skores which I doe not Dout 
but you will allways beleve from your affectionate 
Dutyfull Wife, E. Albemarle.' ^ 

Another letter explains the absence of a recruit 
upon whom his General certainly could have relied. 

• Weston, //c/k 5°, '85. 

' S'', — On ffryday was fortnight last I pray'd ye 
King's License that I might discharge my allegeance 
to his Maj^'*^ and my duty to yo"" Grace ; and in order 
thereto ye next Morning I rec'^ ye Lord Sunderland's 
Pass to Secure me into ye West, and brought my 
Sword in one hand and my heart in ye other, with a 
Resolucon to sacriiize ye latter rather than part w^'^ 
ye former, and have bin ever since that time labouring 
to bring mysclfe under yo"" Grace's command. . . . 

^ Montagu House MSS. 

i685] SEDGEMOOR 211 

Wee are now w^^in three Miles of the Enemy and 
should I at this juncto leave ye Army, they would 
undoubtedly condemne me of Cowardice, and judge 
that w'^^ is truely my Zeale to serve yo"" Grace, to be 
a bare shift or p^tense to wigle (sic) myselfe out of 
danger ; and I heartily pray y^ Perkin (Monmouth) 
may Steare his Course towards yo"* Grace, y^ yu may 
have the Greatest share in ye Hon^ of his distruccon, 
and y^ the aspiring hopes of some may be defeated, 
who designe it undeservedly for themselves. And y' 
my Good Starr (if any danger be levell'd at yo*" Grace) 
may fix me as a small peice of approved Armour to 
sheild yo^ Grace from all the designed or Random 
shotts of a Rebellious Enemy, And may I noe longer 
know my owne name, or the true valine of a ffreind, 
then I will in the worst of dangers approve myselfe 
yo'' Grace's Most unworthy yet most ffaithfull and 
obedt humble servS Fulke Grosvenor.' ^ 

Fulke Grosvenor's martial hopes for Albemarle 
were doomed to disappointment. That very night 
of July 5, under a sky brilliant with moonlight and 
flaming northern lights, Monmouth's silent army 
crept under cover of a low-lying mist from the morass 
of Sedgemoor to surprise the cider-befuddled army 
of the King. How the guide proved untrustworthy, 
the surprise failed, and, deserted by their leaders, the 
brave peasants fought on until overcome by artillery, 
are matters of history. The morning's sun found the 
army scattered, and Monmouth and his companions 
disguised and fugitive. 

That very morning, long before the joyful news of 
the rebellion's end could reach London, Lord Sunder- 
land had penned three letters to send to the west. 

The first was to Albemarle. The flattering words 
of its opening phrases would hardly soften the blow 

^ Montagu House MSS. Monmouth is spoken of as Perkin in allusion 
to Perkin Warbeck, a pretender to the English throne in the reign of 
Henry vn. 


of the next lines. It but officially confirmed what 
had been, for a week or more, gossiped about the 
camps : 

' Whitehall, /«/y 6, 1685. 
' His Ma*'^ commands me to acquaint your Grace 
that Hee is very well satisf^-ed with the good Services 
you have done, and the Orders and Directions you 
have given for preserving that County and the Peace 
and Quiet thereof, being a matter of the Greatest 
importance at this time. . . . The King having 
thought fett to constitute the Earl of Feversham 
Lieutenant-Generall over all His Forces, whereby 
all Lord-Lieut*^ are to obey him, His Ma*'« would have 
yo*" Grace accordingly observe such Orders as the said 
Earl shall give or Send you, which His Ma*'^ thinks 
absolutely necessary for His Service, and does not 
therefore question your complyance with His Pleasure 
in this as you have done in all other things.' ^ 

As an added thorn in the side of the already goaded 
Albemarle, Sunderland sent this letter to Feversham 
to read before it should be passed on v/ith the new 
General's orders. 

Lord Bath, who had been joined with Albemarle in 
the command at Exeter, received Lord Sunderland's 
second letter. Its purport shows how apprehensive 
were the authorities as to Albemarle's acquiescence 
in this matter. Sunderland remarks : 

* It is impossible to give advice at this distance, but 
the Duke of Albemarle will receive Directions from 
My Lord Feversham, and the King does expect he 
should act accordingly, which I am sure will bee best 
done, if so good a friend as your LordP* is, can be near 
him.' 2 

How great was the blow may be realised when it 
is remembered that Albemarle's own First Troop of 
Life Guards was with Feversham and under his direct 

* S.P. Dom., James 11., vol. ii. letter 10. 2 Ibid., letter 11. 


command, while Albemarle wasted his days with the 
reluctant Devonshire militia. Nor was he alone in 
his wrath. The same express brought Sunderland's 
third letter to Lord Churchill, and a commission 
creating him Major-General. This would have been 
appreciated at any other time, but was galling to 
a man who not only felt his great superiority to 
his commanding general, but who had just won 
the battle of Sedgemoor while this same commander 
lay in his tent stupid with cider.^ That Feversham 
had awakened in time leisurely to adjust his cravat 
and come forth in state to receive all the plaudits 
of victory did not tend to endear him to Churchill. 
But he dissembled his wrath. He could afiford to 
await his triumph on far greater fields than this 
trivial invasion offered. To Albemarle this was an 
only chance. His proud spirit refused to bend and 
his punishment was close at hand. 

He lingered on in the west as long as the militia 
was needed. But the bloody work of gathering in 
the guilty rebels was intrusted to sterner hands than 
his. Kirke's Lambs, schooled in Tangier, could be 
depended upon to be guiltless of human feeling. 
The horrors of that summer in the West of England 
moved to remonstrance many a harder heart than 
Albemarle's. On July 12, he was still in Devon, 
perhaps comforted to be out of London, where 
Monmouth, a pitiful captive, was pleading in vain 
for his life. On this date the Duchess wrote : 

* My deare Lord, — Your kind letter was very 
wellcom to me and Jo. ffontane came heare to-day to 
tell me my Deare love is well, but no sertanty of being 
blesed with your presances which is as much desired 

1 London Gazette, August 3, 1685, ' The Battle of Sedgemoor : A 
Farce.' It was written by the Duke of Buckingham, and was designed 
to cast ridicule upon ' the General who had won a battle in bed.' 



as a pachion can force ; to be from what won loves 
is fare from being esey, which you will beleve knowing 
how often I have reseved favers and indearements 
from your Justis and and (sic) True affection which I 
will always indever to ancer with all greatatued and 
fauthfull love that you can emagin from your Duty- 
full Wife, E. Albemarle. 

' Ve 12 of/ufy 1685.' 1 

This, for the time, was Albemarle's last letter from 
his wife, for the rebellion having lasted barely three 
weeks had come to an end. On July 15, Monmouth 
was beheaded on Tower Hill, making a courageous end 
strangely at variance with his behaviour during his 
last days. If Albemarle remembered the horrid scene 
of Lord Russell's death, he would make no haste 
to return to London until the execution was over. 
Toward the end of the month he was once more 
established with the Duchess at Newcastle House, 
where, having ungirded his sword, he was prepared 
to occupy himself with the peaceful affairs of his 

1 Montagu House MSS. Albemarle's answers to these letters do not 
appear to have been preserved. 


Newcastle House was a sombre, monotonous brick 
structure, having its upper windows adorned with 
stone pilasters. The east and west wings stood 
forward, and there was a large courtyard in front.^ 
It had been built on the site of a nunnery which, at 
the dissolution, had come into the possession of the 
Cavendish family. Here was to be found the Duke 
on the morning of July 30, penning a letter to the 
Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, recommending that 
one Bancks should receive the degree of Doctor of 
Divinity.^ This duty well performed, Albemarle 
could give himself up to the enjoyments of a quieter 
life. The terrors of war had brought him and his 
Duchess closer together than they had been for many 
a year. He was, it is true, deeply chagrined at the 
behaviour of the militia under his command, while 
the advancement of Feversham filled him with rage. 
To his own haughty behaviour in this connection 
he gave little thought. His world looked bright 
that summer's day. The large garden contained 
six arches of the nun's cloister. These, with their 
beautifully carved ceilings, made a delightful and 
shady retreat from the sun's heat. Perhaps it was 
here that Sir John Bramston, Deputy-Lieutenant 
of Essex, ' happened to be present with his Grace,' ^ 

1 Thornbury, Old and New London, vol. ii. p. 332. 
* Letter to Dr. Blythe in possession of Clare College, Cambridge 

» Autobiography of Sir John Bramston, p. 205. 



when Albemarle's copy of the letter sent to all the 
Lord-Lieutenants was delivered ; it was written at 
the King's command by Lord Sunderland. * The 
Duke perused it,' and this is what he read : 

* The King commands me to acquaint your Lord- 
ships that he would have you give order for an 
estimate to be forthwith made of the expense of keep- 
ing up the Militia within your Lieutenancie as lange 
as by law they may be kept to geather in one yeare, 
and to transmit the same forthwith to me.' 

Even a less discerning eye than Albemarle's could 
perceive that the King was intent on a standing army, 
and was gathering statistics to present to Parliament 
when it should sit. This letter the Duke delivered to 
Bramston to act upon, with the remark, * We must not 
undervalue it.' Bramston replied : 

* We must not overvalue it, for the designe is 

* Well,' replied Albemarle, * now the Kinge was 
displeased with the mihtia in generall, and that the 
behavioer of those in the West gave him just Cause ; 
wherefore it was conceaued [ceived] he would make 
no more use of them, but have the monie that expense 
came to, and mawteine forces in euery countie pro- 
portionate. But that must be by Act of Parliament, 
and we shall heare more of that matter next meeting, 
possibly.' ^ 

So the conversation ended. 

Later in the day, Albemarle took his way to 
Whitehall Palace to take his part in the ceremony 
appointed to elect Lord Feversham to the Order of 
the Garter. With him went old Sir John Bramston 
to assist the Duke with the petition of one Mr. 
Cadmore. It would seem to be Albemarle's first 
appearance at Court since the rebellion, and he went 
without misgiving. 

^ Autobiography of Sir John Bramston, p. 205. 


As soon as the chapter was over, Albemarle pre- 
sented himself to the King in the bedchamber and 
spoke with him earnestly apart. Sir John was out 
of ear reach, but ' the Lord Lucas whoe was also in 
the bedchamber ' reported to the anxious friend that 
the King had talked earnestly to the Duke and 
* jobed him,' ^ that was the word used, * soe that the 
tears stood in his eyes.' 

What the conversation turned upon, it is vain to 
conjecture. Did some casual allusion to the letter 
from Sunderland bring down on Albemarle's head the 
royal wrath ? Or had the King tried his hand at 
converting this most loyal subject to his own religion ? 
Many were the rumours about the Court. Albemarle 
himself was not so much disquieted as irritated as he 
thought over the King's words and reviewed in his own 
mind the fact that many others were being rewarded 
for services in the Rebellion, while he, who had been 
the first in the field and the last to leave, had nothing 
but more debts to show for his loyalty. For much 
of the expense of maintaining the militia had come 
from his own pocket. ^ 

At the end of the interview the petition of the un- 
known Cadmore was presented, and Sir John was 
brought in to ' inform his Majestic fully of the matter 
and proceedings.' ' Which I did,' says he, * but 
after went away, the Duke staying at Court that 

The shaft of the afternoon still rankled, and Albe- 
marle, once more approaching the King, asked to 
know what post he had now that Feversham was 

^ ' Obsolete word, meaning to rebuke, reprove, or reprimand in a 
long and tedious harangue ; from Job, in allusion to the lengthy reproofs 
addressed to Job by his friends.' — Oxford Dictionary. 

* S.P. Dom., James ii., vol. ii. letter 12. Letter from Albemarle to 
Sunderland, August 4. See also p. 251 concerning the King's share 
of the treasure. 


appointed Lieutenant-General. The King replied, 
* You are the first Collonell.' 

* But, Sir,' said he, * I had a Patent to command all 
the forces, and I know not how to serue under those 
I have commanded.' Then he added, * If your 
Majesty please, you may see my Commission.' 

The King replied, ' That ended with my brother, 
his Hfe.' 

* If your Majesty please, you may take my com- 
mission and confer it on some bodie you thinck better 
of.' For the heat of pride was rising. But the King 
tried to soothe his irascible subject, saying, * I would 
not have you quitt my imployment. I will not take 
your commission ; but think better on it. Sleep 
upon it.' ^ 

But such fatherly counsel could not prevail with a 
soul that could ill brook being put by. The night 
brought not the counsel the King desired, and the 
next day, July 31, Albemarle reappeared at Court 
with his Commission, repeating his hope that the 
King would take it and confer it on some one of whom 
he had a better opinion and give him leave to retire. 
All of this the King obligingly did, and conferred the 
command of the Guards upon Lord Feversham, the 
rising star. Moreover, determined to be quit of the 
Court for ever, Albemarle resigned his Lord-Lieuten- 
ancy of Devon and Joint-Lieutenancy of Essex. He 
immediately wrote what Sir John called a * very hand- 
same letter' to his University, telling them he was 
retired from Court and so not capable to serve them as 
he desired. During his retirement, he recommended 
them to the care of the * Archbp. of Canterburie.* 

On August 3 he wrote in a hand shaken by the 
depth of his agitation to Archbishop Sancroft as 
follows : 

^ Diary of Sir John Bramston, p. 207. 


* May it please your Grace, — Being going into 
the country for some time, w'^'^ may make me unable 
to serve ye University of Cambridge Soe readily as 
I could wish and knowing the great affection your 
Grace has ever expressed to that University, I think 
I cannot find out a better patron for them then your 
Grace, I humbly desire therefore y^ your Grace will 
please to give ye University of Cambridge leave to 
make ther apphcations to you, and that your Grace 
will please to be their patron with his maj''^ in my 
absence to do them what service they shall have 
occasion for, and as your Grace will shew great good- 
ness in it to that University w'^^ was honoured with 
your education, soe Your Grace will much oblige, 
May it please Your Grace, Your Graces most affec- 
tionate friend and humble Servant, 

' Albemarle.^ 

' Newcastle House, Aug. ye zrd 1685.' 

That Sancroft acceded to this request is shown by 
the letters on Cambridge affairs which follow in his 

What Whitehall thought of Albemarle's resignation 
is shown in a letter written by William Blathwayt to 
his friend. Sir Robert Southwell, who was visiting the 
Marquis of Worcester at Badminton in Gloucester- 
shire : 

* You will hear fram the Great men with whom you 
are what passes among our great men here. That the 
Duke of Albemarle, Sensible of what past in the West 
and his not having any preferment or Title while we 
have so many Leiut. Gen^^ Major Generals and 
Brigadiers, has surrendered to the King all his em- 
ployments. Whereupon My L*^ Feversham is made 
First Captain of ye Guards and my L'^ Churchill 
Capt. of the 3rd Troop.' ^ 

Sir John Bramston sums up the incident in his 

1 Bodleian Library, Tanner MSS., vol. 158, fo. 79. Book of letters 
received by Archbishop Sancroft. 
« Welbeck MSS. 


judicial way, torn between his early training as an 
upholder of the Divine right of Kings, and personal 
indignation at the treatment meted out to his friend : 

* I confess I cannet blame the Duke absolutely, 
tho' noe man aught to be angry with God, nor the 
Kinge, but wee aught to take what their pleasure 
shalbe ; but flesh and blood cannot truckle to in- 
feriors, and I thinck he had rendered himselfe un- 
capable of any command could he haue benn Content 
to obey his soe much inferiors. I know others blame 
him, and giue instances of others that haue binn put 
by great imployments, and yet haue shewne noe 
regret ; but I am not courtier enough to thanck for 
neglects and affronts as for favours.* 


'The utmost malice of the Stars is past.' 

Dryden, Annus Mirabilis. 


Albemarle, had he but known it, was but the pre- 
cursor of many of his kind who should suffer a like 
fate at the hands of the King. During the three years 
next ensuing, numbers of the Court circle were 
dropped from favour. Such men as Aubrey de Vere, 
Earl of Oxford ; Charles Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury ; 
Charles Sackville, Earl of Dorset, to name only a few 
out of the many, were deprived of their Lord-Lieuten- 
ancies, together with their other military commands, 
because they could not support the King's policies. 
Had Albemarle possessed the statesman's far-seeing 
eye he might have drawn comfort from the aspect of 
the future. Without this knowledge, as he suffered 
first, so he suffered alone, and his abasement of spirit 
was complete. 

Shall we now figure him forlorn at Newhall, eating 
the bread of bitterness and considering the ingratitude 
of princes ? His own papers are silent through these 
days, and we can only picture his solitary figure pacing 
the lime avenue or that gay pleasance, neglected and 
alone, shunned by the crowd that came only when 
royalty smiled. He was the more solitary as the 
Duchess took this occasion to visit her family at 

If August was dull, September brought compensa- 
tion. In the autumn races the Duke's horse beat 
* Brown Betty ' for the Winchester Plate .^ Even 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., X2th Report, vol. ii., Belvoir MSS. Bridget Noel 
to the Countess of Rutland, September 1685, p. 95. 


224 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

this small victory served to cheer the downcast 
Albemarle, while the stakes helped to fill his empty 
purse. He did not enjoy the satisfaction of witnessing 
the success of his horse, for his disgrace prevented 
him from accompanying the King to Winchester. 
And, indeed, few others waited on the King at this 
time save the Lords Feversham, Newport, Arran, and 
the Bishop of Bath and Wells.^ In fact, the Duke 
was very ill, in body as well as mind. The joyous 
youth, indulging in much exercise, hunting and 
fowling, had become a man given over to a sedentary 
life. He had always an inclination to jaundice, which 
the life at Court, where * he sat up late and often 
made merry with his friends,' ^ tended to magnify. 
Now the frequent bleedings to which he had sub- 
mitted from his cradle had begun to exhaust his 
vitality. Alone in his great house, he ate only * crusts 
of bread washed down with great draughts of 
Lambeth ale.' ^ His nights were restless, and what 
sleep he had was broken with * bad dreams,' while 
his days were marked by continual headaches and 
occasional incoherence in his speech. His friends felt 
great anxiety for his health. Lord Bath testified 
long after, that during these days the Duke was under 
great disturbance of mind, consequent upon his 
having received some great unkindness from King 
James and his ministers.* While Lord Oxford had 
written earlier in the year : 

* I received the newes of yo'" not beeing well. My 
L^, w**^ all the trouble in y^ world, but Mr. Bowles 
assures me it is but a greate cold, w*^^ yet I doe not 
like, because it is commonly the beginner of greate 
ills.' 6 

^ Evelyn, Diary, September i6, 1685. 

* Hans Sloane, Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS. 3984, fos. 282-4. 

* Ibid. * Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9, 1690. 

* Aubrey de Vere, Earl of Oxford. Montagu House MSS. 


However, he was not too ill to feel an interest in 
public events. Upon inquiry of Lord Sunderland, 
he learned that the Lord-Lieutenancy of Devon had 
been conferred upon the Earl of Bath. Some friendly 
correspondent must surely have informed Albemarle 
that when his kinsman wrote his letter of thanks for 
this favour, he used the occasion to expostulate with 
the Government protesting that the Duke of Albe- 
marle's influence with the Devonshire Militia was 
invaluable,^ while to Albemarle himself he wrote : 
* The Deputy-Lieutenants never meet without cele- 
brating your Grace's health with all due honour and 
gratitude,' and he further expressed the hope that 
the Duke would not take it amiss that he had ordered 
the Devon Militia to march still under the name and 
colours of Albemarle.'' The Duke's heart called him 
to return to the old life. Greatly changed as was the 
spirit of the Court, he yet felt ill at ease to be absent. 
In vain he awaited some whispered hint from new 
favourites which might awaken hope of a reconcilia- 
tion with the King. Now as the time for Parliament 
to assemble drew on, Albemarle determined to humble 
his pride and make his peace with his sovereign. In 
Lord Dartmouth's capable hands was placed the 
delicate mission. So well did he succeed that on 
November 10 he was able to gladden the eyes of the 
exile with a letter wherein he recites that his Majesty 
has accepted the news of Albemarle's * readiness to 
serve him . . . with the kindest expressions imagin- 
able,' and further adds that it is his Majesty's pleasure 
that he should * make what convenient speed ' he 
could to town.^ In spite of this summons either sick- 
ness or the wise counsel of friends prevailed upon the 

^ S.P. Dom., James ii., vol. i., August 8, 1685. Bath to Sunderland, 
* Montagu House MSS., March 12, i68|. Bath to Albemarle. 
' Montagu House MSS. 

226 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

Duke to remain in the country, and it was well that 
he did so. 

The King's speech on the opening of Parliament 
demanded nothing less than the abandonment of 
the militia, whose recent conduct he did not fail to 
criticise ; the formation of a standing army and a 
fresh subsidy to maintain it. These demands were 
capped by a strong appeal for the abolition of the 
Test Act. This law had prevented Roman Catholics 
from serving in the Army, and the new King had 
chosen constantly to disregard it. 

The Commons fell at once into a careful argument 
of the whole matter. The conduct of the militia in 
the late Rebellion was reviewed, and Albemarle came 
in for his share of praise and blame. Old Sir Thomas 
Clarges, regardless of long estrangement, defended 
his nephew's reputation with spirit. He insisted that 
the Duke of Albemarle would have done still better 
service had he been better supported.^ Even the 
militia received a kind word ; the trained bands at 
Newbury fight did * brave things,* ^ said he, and he 
shrewdly estimated the King's revenues to be such 
that no new grant would be needed. 

The King finding opposition to all his measures, in 
disgust prorogued Parliament on December i. Not 
until after this date did Albemarle venture to London. 
He attended a Privy Council meeting on the i8th at 
Whitehall. Altogether he remained in town but a 
few days — just long enough to encounter an alarm- 
ing adventure. Going through the ill-lighted streets 
alone in his sedan-chair he ' was met by a gentleman 
who threatened him.' With what intent, robbery 
or private malice. Sir John Reresby fails to record, 
although he had the story from the Duke's own lips. 

^ Ranke, History of England, vol. iv. p. 271. 

* CohhettfParliamentary History , November lo-i i, 1O85, vol. iv. p. 382. 


As a result of this encounter the Duke returned to the 
country filled with criticism for the irregulated state 
of the London streets. 

The Duchess, coming from Welbeck to Newhall, 
apprehending that she might soon be left a widow, 
began seriously to endeavour to persuade her unhappy 
husband to alter his will. By the deed of 1681 she 
already had assured to her an income of eight 
thousand pounds a year, and the use, during her life, 
of Newhall and of all it contained, so that it is difficult 
to imagine what more she hoped to gain by a new will. 
She had, at this time, warmly espoused the cause of 
the mysterious Colonel Thomas Monck and his sons 
Christopher and Henry. Perhaps this was only to 
combat her husband's preference for John, Earl of 
Bath, and other members of the Grenville family. 
She summoned to her aid Sir Thomas Stringer, a 
man of law, who had served not only her father but 
her grandfather, William Pierrepont, and had by him 
been brought to the notice of General Monck. She 
bound him to her service by promises of a baronetcy, 
to be obtained for him through her influence, and 
between them they spun out as fine a web of intrigue 
and petty persecution as ever was plotted to plague 
the life of an unfortunate gentleman. 

No wonder the Duke was half distraught by his 
troubles, and that this period of stress marks the begin- 
ning of that excessive use of strong drink which marred 
his later years. For a time Albemarle managed to 
elude his wife's desires by promises and by half-hearted 
consultations with his various legal advisers. But 
as the winter advanced the Duchess was seen to be 
in high good humour, for a will after her own heart 
had been at last drawn up, and she had faith to believe 
that the Duke intended to confirm it. Her health 
was still far from satisfactory. Sherwin's print may 

228 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

picture her at this time. It shows the face still 
blessed with the curious, elusive beauty of her eadier 
portraits. The haunting madness of her eyes tells 
better than any physician's prophecy what the future 
holds in store for her. Richly clad and bejewelled, the 
lace scarf about her head adds dignity to her aspect.-^ 
Her letters tell their own story. 

' Ye 26 of Mar. 1686. 

* My deare Lord, — I give you a thounthen thanks 
for your kind letter and consarne for me, which I was 
afrade you had being (been) plesed to think I did not 
desarve ; my forbareance from inquiareing of your 
helth which is very Deare to me, let me ben ever soe 
unhappy, was ocacioned by Mr. Burtanhed's un- 
sertane retourne and my imperfit helth which causes 
me to remember you to giveing me leve to goe to the 
waters I find soe nesesery that I can not omit the 
desire or obay your presant commands without in- 
dangering my life, ... I heare you will be in Tone 
(town) in a little time, I being your dutyfull Wife 

' E. Albemarle.' ^ 

The desired permission was presumably granted, 
for another letter, without date, belongs to this period 
and reads as follows : 

* My deare Lord, — My mother is very fond of you 
in all her expressions. 

* I give you thanks for your Deare letter and care 
of my Helth which your kindness will very much helpe 
with ye addishion of ye comfort I reseve from my 
Mother whoe is so exstremle kinde to me and you and 
A most Just Good womman ; She says noe child aught 
to have more than I, but God knows how she will 
prevale, I dowt she will not leve long, she has a hard 
game to play amoungst us, I feare it will Brake her 
hart, she mourne(s) soe in ye letters she writes. I 
have takein the waters today and find eses by them ; 
pray, if you want me, com hether and you will ouver 
Joy Yours for ever E. Albemarle.' ^ 

1 This print may be seen in the Print Room of the British Museum. 
« Montagu House MSS. » Ibid. 

From the picture by IMary Beale at Wclbeck Abbey 


In connection with the ill news of the Duchess of 
Newcastle's condition, contained in this letter, it 
should be explained that the matter of her husband's 
will was not the only business the Duchess of Albe- 
marle had under consideration. Her father, the 
second Duke of Newcastle, having lost his only son, 
was of a dozen minds how to leave his estate among 
his five daughters. As the eldest, Elizabeth felt that 
she ought to receive the largest share. This view 
proved displeasing to the other sisters, and the poor 
mother was torn this way and that among her children, 
each one demanding her sympathy and interest. As 
if this dissension was not a sufficient burden upon the 
Duchess of Newcastle, she was further afflicted with 
discussion over the marriage of her third daughter, 
Lady Margaret Cavendish. Many suitors had been 
proposed for her hand, and each member of the 
family and their many friends had eligible husbands 
to suggest. One day the son of Lord Sunderland was 
the favoured suitor, the next the Earl of Northumber- 
land. Dr. Barwick, as the confidential physician of the 
Duchess of Albemarle, was able to write to his patron 
the latest news of how matters stood at this time. 

* ... I do not find that ye match with the E.(arl) 
of N.(orthumberland) is like to proceed. My La.(dy) 
D.(uchess) guesses, and perhaps not amiss, that he 
has taken offence. The Knight Marshall whom the 
Duchess of Newcastle does not seem to have any good 
opinion of, goes towards Newcastle the next week 
and takes Notingham Castle in his way where their 
Graces will be at that time. He will certenly cary 
some new Proposall with him, and I beleive it will 
be for my Lord Sunderland's son. My La.(dy) 
D.(uchess) will give her Mother an Advertisement of 
it this night. And I beleive has proposed a beter 
Match then any the Knight Marshall will propose.' ^ 

* Montagu House MSS. 

230 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

The name so mysteriously hinted at as the choice 
of the Duchess of Albemarle for her sister, must have 
been no other than the Duke's precious charge in the 
days of Monmouth's Rebellion — the young Duke of 
Berwick. The Duke of Newcastle warmly embraced 
the suggestion, and seemed willing to overlook the fact 
that this son of I^ng James was a Roman Catholic. 
The Duchess and Lady Margaret herself would 
hear nothing of this match, and the Duchess of 
Albemarle advised in vain.^ She now returned her 
thoughts to matters which concerned her more nearly. 
As the months went by, finding that the signing of 
the new will was not moving with such speed as she 
could wish, and believing that the arm of the law was 
an insufficient support, the Duchess summoned a new 
agent to her aid. Dr. Renwick, brought in as con- 
sulting physician by the attentive Dr. Barwick, im- 
pressed upon the unhappy husband the necessity of 
complying with the Duchess's demands lest she should 
have a return of her * former malady.* 

Lord Bath was still in the west, and Albemarle 
' being thereupon pursued by daily solicitations did 
send to Ld. Bath to haste his return for London.' ^ 
Lord Bath hurried up to town ' on such intimation,' 
and arrived there December 1686. Armed with the 
will of 1675 and with some misgivings in his heart, he 
* waited on the Duke at Newcastle House.' Much 
entertaining discourse passed between the two friends. 
They had not met since the Duke's disgrace, and 
Christopher could, at last, pour out the story of his 
wrongs to truly sympathetic ears. Lord Bath him- 
self introduced the subject of the will, and the Duke 

^ Lady Margaret Cavendish later married John Holies, fourth Earl 
of Clare. Her father left her the greater part of his estate, including 
Welbeck Abbey, ' for natural love and affection.' Lord Clare was 
created Duke of Newcastle by King William in. 

* Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9, Bath v. Montagu. 


renewed his recital of wrongs. How much he was 
pressed to make a new will, and how uneasy a life he 
had led with his wife, the Duchess, on that account. 
In fact, he averred with great doubts, * I am con- 
tinually vexed and even almost to distraction by the 
Duchess and her agents.' He declared that ' he was 
resolved that he would not do anything in prejudice 
of his former Will and Settlement.' And he concluded, 
* You shall not fare worse for trusting me, or putting 
the Will into my hands,' and withal told him he would 
give him what was better.^ 

Some few days later, summoning Lord Bath again 
to Newcastle House, he bade him consult with counsel 
whether a new will could prejudice the effectiveness 
of the Settlement, and Lord Bath soon returned bring- 
ing the welcome news that the Settlement could not 
be revoked in any manner save as in the deed pre- 
scribed. * Whereat his Grace was well pleased,* and 
the friends took comfort together, for Albemarle had 
no thought of really revoking his original settlement. 
It is evident that this opinion took a weight from 
his heart, and * he gave way with less regret to the 
solicitations of the confederates,' as the Duchess and 
her adherents in the household had come to be called. 
He even gave way so far as to advise with Sir Henry 
Pollexfen over the draft of another will prepared 
under the Duchess's eye. This learned counsel must 
have had misgivings as to the methods of one of his 
principals, for the Duchess sending for him to discuss 
some alterations in the will which she had in mind, 
he, after the manner of the time, * seemed to be 
troubled to be sent for from his Chambers on that 
account,' and ' uttered some words of discontent on 
his coming out of her presence not without some kind 
of reflections on the Duchess' deportment.* Would 

' Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. g, Bath v. Montagu, passim. 

232 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

that these words were recorded ! Were they but a 
masculine protest against feminine intrigue, or did his 
cold legal heart go out in sympathy to the hard- 
pressed Duke ? 

Throughout the ensuing winter, as the Duke told 
Lord Bath, ' He was much laboured to make another 
will.' If he did so, his friends believed ' it was to 
obtain rest and ease from the Duchess's importunities,' 
and in the full belief that he was leaving the strength 
of his earlier settlement unimpaired. At any rate, 
the Duchess so dreaded Lord Bath's influence that 
throughout this winter she posted spies about the 
house to overhear the conversations of her lord and 
his friend. But in spite of her vigilance and the skill 
of her confederates, the Duke managed to postpone 
the evil day. These transactions concerning the 
making of the new will extended through many 
months, and should be remembered as an accompani- 
ment to matters of even greater moment which 
occupied the Duke during the same time, and which 
shall now be narrated. 


After a time of depression, Albemarle had recovered 
from the first bitterness of his downfall. Unlike the 
Duke of Buckingham, a man of far more brilliant 
parts, who had likewise suffered financial ruin and had 
lately died sunk in obscurity and poverty, he set about 
the repair of his fortune and the re-establishment of 
his prestige at Court. In the spring of 1686 certain 
rumours concerning him were heard in the ante- 
rooms at Whitehall and the cabinets of statesmen's 
secretaries. Could it be true that the Duke of 
Albemarle was seriously considering the governor- 
ship of Jamaica ? He himself remained quietly in 
the country or at Newcastle House, and his faithful 
followers listened to every Court rumour with hope 

On the strength of some favourable gossip, John 
Coppleston writes to Albemarle from the Old Palace, 
Westminster, on April 10, 1686: 

' It has been confidently said that the King meant 
to be with y^ Grace at New Hall for three or four 
days this week. Some s*^ it was only to hunt, but the 
Polls shook their heads and seemed to apprehend 
great things.' ^ 

This story brought new courage to Albemarle's 
friends, but they were destined to wait for a whole 
month before its realisation could be accomplished. 

In the middle of April came news that more sur- 
prised than pleased them. Sir Philip Howard, the 
» Montagu House MSS. 


234 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

Governor of Jamaica, had died while on a visit to 
England, and within a few days the Duke of Albemarle 
was known to have arrived at Windsor, where, to the 
amazement of all, he kissed the King's hand for the 
government of Jamaica, whither it was said he in- 
tended to go suddenly with his Duchess.^ Many 
besides Mr. Blathwayt ' wondered to hear that the 
D. of Albemarle is so desirous of the government 
of Jamaica.' ^ His friends were aghast at the idea. 
What would the splendid Duke of Albemarle do in 
that insignificant possession ? The men of Devon, 
roused to action, put into plain words what they 
firmly believed to be the cause of all his troubles and 
bade him hesitate to throw himself once more into 
the hands of his enemies. Richard Coffin, High 
Sheriff of Devon, was the probable author of a formal 
protest entitled * Reasons Humbly offered to the 
Duke of Albemarle Against his going Governor to 
Jamaica.' After stating the more obvious objec- 
tions to the project, the writer proceeds : 

* Do you not think the same people will use you as 
they did when you were in the West and at White- 
hall ? They will have continual spies upon you and 
misinterpret everything you do. 

* That you may know that this is not mine alone, 
but the General voice of the whole town, read but all 
the lampoons with which the Town hath swarmed of 
late ; yet which though otherwise not much to be 
regarded, yet when so very universale they show at 
least the sense of the times ; for the voice of Every- 
body is called the voice of God.' ^ 

Others did not hesitate to hint that the Jamaica 
governorship was intended to serve as a kind of 

* Welbeck MSS. John Povey to Sir Robert Southwell, April 17, 1686. 

* Welbeck MSS. Blathwayt to Southwell, April 17, 1686. 

* The original draft is in the possession of Mrs. Pine-Coffin, Onleigh 
Court, Bideford, and was not available for examination. 


banishment to one who refused to bend to the will of 
the King. 

Mr. Povey again condescends to gossip, and asserts 
that * the Duke of Newcastle is coming to town to 
Endeavour to diswade his Son-in-law from the 
thought of it.' ^ On reflection, the father-in-law 
contented himself with writing from Nottingham 
Castle : 

* We hear your Grace is resolved to go for Jamaica ; 
I pray for your health and long life, and all prosperity 
to your Grace.' ^ 

After which he proceeds to bring to notice a friend 
who wishes a position as the new Governor's agent. 
Offers of assistants poured in from every side, and 
Albemarle, had he wished, could have furnished him- 
self with a suite made up from the needy relatives of 
his friends. He retired to the quiet of Newhall to 
await further events. 

In the early days of May he seems to have despaired 
altogether of the King's coming, and, determining to 
await his pleasure no longer, he invited a gay party 
of his own for the stag-hunting in Newhall forest. 
Among his guests were Prince George of Denmark 
(husband of Princess Anne), Lord Dartmouth, now 
become Master of the Horse, and with them, remark- 
able to relate. Lord Feversham. Surely the flight 
of time must have healed the breach between them ! 
So important a gathering of favourites carries out 
John Copplestone's theory that matters unknown to 
the public were to be discussed. 

So when, on a fine Monday morning, the King rode 
in his coach to Newhall, he was met at Chelmsford by 
the news that the Duke of Albemarle and his guests 
were hunting in quite another direction. A charming 

» Welbeck MSS. Povey to Southwell. ^ Montagu House MSS. 

236 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

description of what followed these tidings remains to 
us in the Autobiography of Sir John Bramston : 

* The Kinge, being invited by the Duke of Albe- 
marle to Newhall to hunt some out-lyinge red deere, 
his Majestle went towards New Hall the 3rd of May, 
1686 ; and when he came neere Chelmsford, hearinge 
the Duke with the hounds were neere the place where 
the Stagg was harboured, in a wood neere Bicknaker 
Mill,^ his Majestic turned out of the road, and went 
by Moulsham Hall 2 thither. 

* The stagg came out of the wood neere where the 
Kinge was ' (how amazing is the courtier-like be- 
haviour of the stags of Newhall Forest) ; * and manie 
with him, who followed the hounds. But Prince 
George, the Duke of Albemarle, Earle of Feversham, 
Lord Dartmouth, and Seuerall others, being on the 
other side of the wood, heard not the hounds, nor knew 
not that the Stagg had left the wood until late, and 
so seuerall cast out, and neuer reacht the hounds. 
The stagg made toward the forest, and gott thither 
and rann almost as farr as Wanstead, where turninge 
head, he was at last killed betweene Rumford and 
Brentwood, or neerer Rumford. The Kinge was 
neere at the death ; he gott coach to carrie him to 
Brentwood (where his own coach was), and well 
pleased that he was in, the Lords throwne out. They 
not recouering the hounds, went all to New Hall 
whither, after 9 of the clock at night, his Majestic 
came to supper. A table was prepared for his 
Majestic and others for the Lords and gentlemen ; 
but the King would have his fellow hunters sup with 
him, and about a dozen sate down with him.' 

With great chances of probability we may fancy 
this happy supper-party against the background of 
the noble proportions of the great hall, with its Tudor 
bays, Henry viii.'s arms gleaming down from the 
wall to remind the guests that here the bluff monarch 
had kept his Feast of St. George in 1524. Did his 

^ Bick nacre, about six miles from Chelmsford. 

* An ancient seat of the Mildmay family, built about 1450. 


host lead King James, while in this affable mood, to 
promise to him some of those numberless perquisites 
which so delight us among the appurtenances of the 
next Governor of Jamaica ? 

We have abundant evidence that King James was 
habitually sleepy after a day's hunting. His letters 
to William of Orange amply testify to this wholesome 
state, and this Monday night in May could have been 
no exception. If his host and other of the guests 
kept up the merriment to later hours, it may account 
for the mishaps of the following day. 

They were surely abroad on Tuesday morning 
* very betimes,' as Pepys would say, to have accom- 
plished all that Sir John Bramston again records : 

* The next day he (the King) hunted a Stagg which 
lay in New Hall Parke, and had been there the most 
part of the winter. After a round or two, he leapt 
the pale, tooke the riuer, and rann thro' Bramfield 
[Broomfield ?] Pleshie, and so to the Roothings and 
was killed in Hatfield. His Majistie pretie neere the 
doogs, tho' the ditchs were broad and deep, the hedges 
high, and the way and feilds dirty and deep ; But 
most of the Lords were cast out again, and amongst 
them the Duke of Albemarle. The King was much 
pleased again that the Lords were cast out, who yet 
recouered him ere long, and considering his coach and 
Guards were quite another way, they were at a loss 
what to doe.' 

A quandary indeed ! The King was desirous to 
return to London, and the day was far spent, for the 
hunt had taken them half across Essex and the dinner 
hour was long past. In the emergency, 

* Lord Dartmouth advised to send to Copt Hall, 
to the Earl of Dorset, that the King would come 
and dine there, and dispatched away a groome to 
give his Lordship notice, and so rode easily on (it 
beinge directly in his way to London).' 

238 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

The fine masculine unconcern of this proceeding 
is full of human interest. Behold the cavalcade of 
hunters, King and nobles alike mud-bespattered 
from those 'dirty fields and deep,' a wholesome 
hunger gnawing in each man of them. Lord Dart- 
mouth happily conscious that he had made a good 
suggestion at an opportune moment. 

At Copt Hall the Fates had already paved the way 
for comedy. Lord Dorset,^ all unconscious of the 
honour to fall suddenly upon him, had ridden off that 
morning to Rockholts to dine ' with a great manie 
gentlemen at Sir W. Hicks.' Moreover, the * Cook 
and the butler were gone to a faire at Waltham ' ; 
upon these domestic incidents, common to all ages, 
* The messenger came and found the Lady North- 
ampton and the Lady Dorset, ^ her daughter, in a 
coach, goinge abroad on a visit.' ' The Countess 
was much surprised,' says old Sir John. But one 
must figure the consternation of the older lady, 
the indignant dismay of the younger, seated in 
their coach in visiting array, and indeed already on 
the road. 

' She would have excused it, her Lord and servants 
all from home.' The words were hardly formed in 
courteous phrase, when * a second messenger come- 
ing,' poor Lady Dorset, reaHsing herself within the 
grip of circumstance, * turned her coach, and went 
home, and sent her coach to meet his majestic.* 

Her trials had only begun. On descending from 
her coach amid the excited maids, who must be her 
helpers, her first thought was the larder. Quick, 
quick, the keys ! Alas, the careful men-servants had 

* Charles Sackville, sixth Earl of Dorset. 

* Mary Compton, daughter of James Compton, third Earl of North- 
ampton, d. 1691. Her portrait by Kneller hangs in the ballroom at 
Knole, Sevenoaks, Kent. 


borne with them to the fair the keys of storeroom and 

* With the helpe of the maides ' those white hands 
broke open locke and * dores.' With upturned 
petticoat, but unwrinkled brow, we leave her in the 
kitchen. To Lady Northampton our chronicler does 
not assign a part ; but we may safely figure her 
welcoming the royal guest and his train : 

* By such time as His Majestic arrived, had washt, 
and viewed the gardens and house, a very handsom 
collation was gotten for him. Extreamly well pleased 
with the treat (he) came toward London, and on the 
road meet the Earl of Dorset returning home from 
Rookehalts. The Earl alighted, and comeinge to the 
coache side, bemoaning his ill-fortune that he should 
not be in the way to receave that great honour, and 
makeing excuse that all things were not answerable 
to his desires, the King replyed, " Make noe excuses, 
it was exceedinge well, and very handsome." And 
soe His Majestic came safe and well [to] London, and 
well pleased with his sport.' 

One last echo of this hunting party, and that is 
from the King himself. On May 7, 1686, he wrote 
from Whitehall to William of Orange, and in spite of 
his haste to insist that the States-General shall banish 
his rebellious subjects from Holland, he finds time to 
begin : 

* I came from Newhall on Tuesday night where 
I had been stag-hunting, and had very good 
sport.' ^ 

But he said no word of that * handsom collation ' pre- 
pared by lovely Lady Dorset. It was left to the aged 
chronicler, Sir John Bramston, to preserve that picture 
for us. 

1 S.P. Dom., King William's Chest. Letters from James ii. to 
William of Orange. 

240 THE MAN OF ACTION [book vi. 

On May 31, Lord Sunderland v/rote from Windsor 
to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, announcing 
the appointment of Albemarle to be Governor of 
Jamaica, his commission to bear date immediately 
from the death of Sir Philip Howard.^ 

* Howard died April ii, 1686. 


'Then we upon the Globe's last verge shall go 
And view the ocean leaning on the sky.' 

Dryden, Annus Mirabilis. 


Little did the courtiers guess with what good reason 
the Duke of Albemarle eagerly accepted the Jamaica 
governorship. The spirit of adventure, gift of his 
Devon blood, did not alone call him to sail to the 
mysterious West, where amid prosperity and tropical 
ease he might cleanse his soul of past offences. The 
governorship was but the vehicle with which he pro- 
posed to revive his fallen fortunes. Nor was his 
interest in the West Indies a sudden whim. The 
Monck family had held interests in the islands of 
the Caribbean Sea even before the days of the Lord 
General, and the Duke as early as 1683 believed that 
he saw a way to relieve his financial difficulties through 
his connection with the West Indies. 

In this year there was seen upon the streets of 
London, and in the ante-rooms at Whitehall, a strange 
figure. This proved to be Captain William Phips of 
the New England plantations, originally a ship's car- 
penter, but at this time master of a sailing vessel. 
While cruising in the Spanish Main in the pursuit of 
trade he had heard rumours of a large Spanish galleon 
freighted with gold and silver for the King of Spain, 
and driven on the rocks by a tempest in the year 1659.^ 
Her crew had perished with the ship. The Spanish 
king, reluctant to lose his treasure, had sent out to 
recover it, but without success. The French and 
English kings likewise had pursued the same quest and 
in vain. Twenty years and more she had been hidden 

^ Life of Sir William Phips, in Cotton Mather's Magnalta. 


244 THE TREASURE SHIP [book vii. 

by the sea off the shores of Hispaniola,^ a lure to all 
who sailed the Spanish Main. 

The fortunate finding of a pirate's cache had some- 
what enriched Captain Phips, and fired his heart with 
an unquenchable desire to search for the treasure of 
the lost galleon. To obtain the King's patent and 
to borrow a frigate for the enterprise had brought 
him to London and Whitehall. Here the energetic 
captain spent time and dubloons to no purpose, and 
wore out his patience while waiting in the King's 
ante-chamber. By some means he came suddenly 
into terms of intimacy with the Duke of Albemarle. 
Mr. Arthur Fairwell, the Duke's secretary and cousin 
by marriage, came of a family who had early settled 
in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, and it may have 
been through his agency that Captain Phips came 
to be presented to the Duke. The captain, having 
told his story, felt that his fortune was made when he 
perceived how deeply the Duke's interest was aroused. 
His imagination had at once seized on the project, 
the galleon lay upon the sea's bottom only awaiting 
his opportunity. He easily persuaded the King to 
lend his frigate Algier Rose, eighteen guns and ninety- 
five seamen. He himself supplied money from a 
sadly depleted purse. Hope ran high in the hearts 
of both the Duke and the hardy captain. But the 
expedition failed, and Albemarle was forced to endure 
as best he could the sly smiles of the Court at the 
outcome of his West India adventure. 

The spring of 1685 was an eventful one for all the 
Court, and when the Lords of Trade and Plantations 
received among their colonial reports a letter from 
Acting-Governor Hender Molesworth of Jamaica 
bringing news of a sunken treasure ship, they took 
but a languid interest in the story. With the 

1 Haiti. 


Governor's report of how he had sent the Bonito 
to investigate the tale, and how bad weather had 
foiled his purpose, was enclosed a deposition of one 
John Smith, a seaman, signed and sworn to before 
a justice of the island.^ This Uttle paper narrated 
how the sailor on a cruise, being on the north-east coast 
of Hispaniola,2 had come upon a reef. On this he 
saw several ingots of silver and one of gold, and within 
forty feet of it the hull of a ship wedged in upright. 
The wind freshened so that further searching was im- 
possible, but the sailor believed he could find the place 
again. The Duke of Albemarle had been a member 
of this Committee for several years. Was he more 
credulous than his colleagues, or had he more imagina- 
tion ? The seaman asked for a fifth of the treasure 
as the price of his guidance. But the chance seemed 
to him worth the taking. Before hastening to the 
West to defend his country against Monmouth's 
invasion, he secured from the King some sort of 
promise that this treasure ship should be his. 

During his year of disfavour, he interested certain 
acquaintances in the venture. Of these the old naval 
hero, Sir John Narborough, was first. That stout, but 
needy cavaHer, Sir John Falkland, second, and Sir 
James Hayes, once Secretary of Prince Rupert, third. 
A stock company was formed, and, under the name of 
the Gentlemen Adventurers, the first steps were taken 
toward sending out an expedition. Two other valiant 
gentlemen resolved each to take a share : Mr. Francis 
Nicolson, soon to go as Lieutenant-Governor to the 
Dominion of New England, and Mr. Isaac Foxcraft. 
Narborough and Foxcraft, more experienced in 
worldly matters, soon realised that the Duke's patent 
was not sufficiently binding to make them sure of 
getting suitable return for their investment. So they 

» C. O. I : 57, No. 9. - Haiti. 


246 THE TREASURE SHIP [book vii. 

indited the following letter to their noble patron and 
principal stockholder, for they perceived that his 
mind was so filled with thoughts of golden doubloons 
and ingots of silver that he quite overlooked the 
practical details : 

* May it please yo^ Grace, — To permitt us in as 
few words as may be to remember you, that it is of 
most absolute and indispensable importance to build 
upon a firme foundation, That y^ Warrant already 
obtained is but an Authority, countermandable as 
soon as y® shipp is gone out of y^ River, That there is 
noe time expressed in itt, whereby it is Defective, 
That y^ Proper and most Safe way for y^ King to 
transfer an Interest (not to be frustrated) is und"^ y^ 
Great or Privy Scale, by proper words of Grant, That 
y^ King haveing granted an Authority under y^ Scale 
of y*^ Admiralty will be easily induced to confirme it 
by his Privy Scale, That this Warrant may be usefull 
as to what concerneth y^ Admiralty, and y^ other may 
serve for confirmation of y^ King's intention in a 
Legall manner. Upon these Considerations we pre- 
sume to press Yo"" Grace to think it Convenient either 
by Yo"^ Presence, or otherwise if that can not bee, to 
procure a Privy Seale, according to y^ draught here- 
with sent from Yo"" Grace's most obedient Serv^^ 

' John Narbrough. 

' Isaac Foxcraft.' 

(Addressed) : * To his Grace the Duke of Albemarle 
prsent.' ^ 

In compliance with this natural request, Albemarle 
asked and was given a patent made out in due form, 
and bearing the date of March 4, i68f . 

Captain Phips, whom Bramston describes as well 
skilled in ' mathematicks,' and also having * ac- 
quainted himselfe in India with some that had the 
art of divinge,' was engaged to take charge of the 
adventure. The ships James and Mary and the 

^ Montagu House MSS. 


Henry, Captain Francis Rogers, commander, were 
secured for the voyage. These were manned, vic- 
tualled and loaded with a cargo for trade with the 
Spaniards, so that if the search was unsuccessful, 
barter should pay for the expense of the expedition. 
The Duke supplied eight hundred pounds and was 
to receive four-sixteenths of the treasure. The other 
Gentlemen Adventurers, five in all, Sir James Hayes, 
Lord Falkland, Sir John Narborough, Mr. Francis 
Nicolson, and Mr. Isaac Foxcraft, each supplied one 
hundred pounds, and were each to receive two-six- 
teenths. The King by law received ten per cent, of all 
treasure. Mr. Smith, who can be no other than the 
seaman who knew the location of the wreck, supplied 
no capital and signed no articles of agreement, and 
was to receive one-sixteenth as his share. Captain 
Phips was seemingly content with one-sixteenth. 

By March i, 1686, Phips and his two ships set 
sail for the West, and every one forgot all about 
them for more than a year and a day. Every one 
except the Adventurers themselves, or when Albe- 
marle vainly offered to part with some of his shares 
to Lord Sunderland and Lord Dartmouth. These 
wise ones were too sophisticated to invest good 
money in sunken treasure. All of them ' refused to 
be concerned in it or to venture any money upon 

Let us follow the treasure seekers, after whom 
Albemarle's thoughts so often turned. Captain 
Phips kept a journal of all his proceedings, written, 
frugal man, upon the unused pages of an older ship's 
log. It is now in the British Museum, among the 
Sloane MSS. That great collector. Dr. Hans Sloane, 
mentions in his Voyage to Madeira having seen this 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 12th Report, Beaufort MSS., p. 90. 

248 THE TREASURE SHIP [book vii. 

journal when he visited Barbadoes. Having bor- 
rowed it to read, he evidently kept it. 

The James and Mary, under Captain Phips, 
accompanied by the Henry, began the really serious 
work of their voyage at Samana in the island of Haiti, 
when having engaged in trade with the Spaniards, 
they at last set out for the * rack ' (wreck) . But the 
wind proving unfavourable, they put in to Porta 
Plata, and entered into trade with the Spaniards. 
Captain Phips, with Yankee shrewdness, had de- 
termined to secure the price of the expedition by com- 
mercial enterprise before embarking on the fascinating, 
but illusive, treasure hunt. Thus many weeks passed 
in preparation, and in awaiting favourable weather. 
It was not until January 13 that the captain simply 
records : 

* This evening Mr. Rogers set sail with Mr. Covell, 
our Second Mate and the three divers, with orders if 
they could get a strech of fair weather to go on ye 
bank and make a seerch for ye wreak.' 

So Mr. Rogers and Captain Phips's divers, brought 
from the pearl fisheries of the East, blessed with three 
days calm weather, searched the bank to good 
purpose. For there, sure enough, was the great 
galleon lying helpless inside a moon-shaped reef, her 
planks grown over with sea-feather, coral and lapis 
astroite. The divers worked with a will, so that 
Captain Phips's long boat, returning with Captain 
Roger's report, brought 

* what made our hearts glad to see which was 4 sows, 
I barr, i champend, 2 dow boyds, 2000 and odd 
Dollars, by which we understood that they had found 
the wreck.' 

It did not take the New England captain long to 
ship provisions, and on Sunday, February 28, he rode 


at anchor off the reef. Captain Phips was too strict 
an observer of the laws of New England to work 
on this or any other Lord's Day. Each week 
he records, * This being the Lord's Day we rested.' 
Fortunately, variable winds marked most Sundays. 
Only once was he tempted, but withstood. For, to 
the usual entry of rest for Sunday, March 6, he adds, 
* Notwithstanding the weather was fair.' 

So, for the next three months, every calm day saw 
the crew, divers, and officers at work. Early in the 
morning they departed from the James and Mary, 
returning * just as dayhght began to shut in,' with an 
ever-increasing store of Spanish gold and silver, brass 
cannon and broken plate. True, much of it was en- 
crusted and overgrown with coral and deposits from 
the sea, but this cast no damper on the enthusiasm of 
the men. The divers, far below in the clear tropic 
waters, fastened the ship's grappling-irons to the 
heaviest pieces, which willing hands drew to the 
surface. Others of the crew employed themselves 
with a species of rake, so gathering up from the 
sea's bottom such treasure as had been scattered by 
the waves. Captain Phips was a man of deeds, 
not words. Did the whitening bones of those 
Spaniards, drowned in their galleon, still in death 
keep watch of their treasure ? Rough sailor hands 
would soon cast them aside, and bluff Captain Phips 
passes them over in silence while he weighs their 

So hard did they all work, that before long the poor 
divers grew gravely ill, and the Captain was in a fine 
dilemma, until he heard of the contrivance of an 
ingenious Bermudian used by the West Indians on 
earlier wrecks.^ This consisted of a tub put per- 

' C. O. I : 49, No. 35, August 29, 1682. Sir Thomas Lynch to the 
Lords of Trade and Plantations. 

250 THE TREASURE SHIP [book vii. 

pendicularly into the sea, so that it did not fill, into 
which the diver could put his head when he wanted 
breath, by which means he could stay three-quarters 
of an hour under water. By the use of this primitive 
diving-bell the work went steadily on. 

One day late in February a sloop and shallop 
appeared on the horizon, and proved to be some of 
Phips's companions of the former voyage still search- 
ing for the wreck. They also were pressed into the 
service, and the treasure was now mounting so that 
it was to be measured by tons. * A bad day's work ' 
brought on board three thousand and thirty-one 
dollars and fifteen hundred half-dollars. 

By the last of April the ships were loaded to their 
capacity. With the greatest reluctance the Captain 
turned his back upon the wreck. Provisions had 
been secured from Jamaica, water and salt were to be 
found on Turk's Island. This moment of triumph 
and excitement proved almost their last, for the 
heavily laden ship ran aground on the Handker- 
chief Bank. Happily they got off, or the Spanish 
gold might have once more been lost to the world. 
The sun of May 2 saw them spread all sail for 

They purposely had left their principals without 
news of their success. They had been as silent as 
though sunk in the sea, where the Gentlemen Adven- 
turers greatly feared they had gone, for one timorous 
investor. Sir Richard Haddock, sold out his hundred 
pound share for ninety pounds only a month or two 
before the reappearance of the ships.^ On June 3 
they sighted the Scilly Isles, and on the 6th cast anchor 
in the Downs. A courier made all speed to London, 
where he arrived at three o'clock on the morning of 
June 8. A veritable confusion of tongues arose at 

» Hist. MSS. Com., 12th Report, Beaufort MSS., p. 90. 


Whitehall when the Court awoke to hear the tidings. 
Even the stoutest imagination could hardly exceed 
the truth. All in a day Albemarle was the most 
talked-of man in town, and the news quickly spread 
to the three kingdoms. Every letter from the know- 
ing ones in town to the curious ones in the country 
carried the tale of this fabulous treasure trove. The 
Duke of Beaufort writes to his Duchess, enlarging 
on the great story, how the Adventurers, grown 
splendidly prodigal, have offered the King twenty 
thousand pounds at a venture for his share. John 
Verney talks of the King's share, and gossips that 
* some say the King gave his part to Albemarle in 
lieu of the debt in the Exchequer of eighteen thousand 
pounds which it cost the Duke in fitting out at the 
time of the Rebellion in the West.' 

The share of each of the Adventurers who had only 
invested one hundred pounds a piece, was variously 
estimated from eight thousand pounds to ten thousand 
pounds. Albemarle himself received some ninety 
thousand pounds as his share. It came none too 
soon, for he was already in treaty with the Lord 
Chancellor Jeffreys to sell his favourite manors of 
Dalby and Broughton. Dr. Hans Sloane, Albemarle's 
new physician, reports that the treasure measured 
twenty-six tons. Lord Oxford, whose wife was a 
niece of the Duchess of Albemarle, noted, in 1729, 
that there was taken up from ' The Duke of Albe- 
marle's rack ' . . . ' nine Tymes Sixty Seaven Thou- 
sand and two Hundred pounds.' ^ Captain Phips's 
four thousand pounds proved the foundation of his 
later fortune. And the Duke of Albemarle, gener- 
ously gallant, sent a present of a golden cup valued 
at one thousand pounds to Mrs. Phips in New 

1 Welbeck MSS. Edward Harley, second Earl of Oxford and Earl of 

252 THE TREASURE SHIP [book vii. 

England.^ Nor was Mrs. Phips the only lady to 
receive tokens. Lord Oxford reports ' two Bags 
of Gold of neare (20 lbs.) waite were given to ye 
Queen.' Even Evelyn, shaken out of his usual 
philosophic calm, describes the venture in his 

The event was further emphasised by two medals 
ordered by the King, struck in honour of the occasion, 
both designed by George Bowen. The first shows 
the heads of the King and Queen on the obverse, on 
the reverse the James and Mary riding at anchor 
on a calm sea, in high-pooped majesty, while from 
small boats the sailors fish with rakes. The motto 
quoted from Ovid, * Semper tibi pendeat Hamus ' 
(Always let your hook be hanging), seems to com- 
mend future expeditions to diligence. The King 
presented copies of this medal in silver to the 
officers of the ship and to the Gentlemen Adven- 
turers themselves. During that summer he carried 
a few about with him to bestow upon favoured 

The other medal is of smaller size ; the obverse 
shows Albemarle in profile, and, on the reverse, 
Neptune in the foreground lying at ease upon the 
waves, while two frigates approach from the horizon. 
The motto is ' Ex aqua omnia.' 

Albemarle did not let his good fortune blind him 
to the necessities of the future. More treasure re- 
mained to be sought, and he followed the King to 
Windsor to arrange for further grants. On Tuesday 
afternoon, June 14, Mr. Pepys found himself making 
notes at a meeting in the Treasury Chamber, Windsor 
Castle. With the King there were present Lord 
Godolphin, Lord Dover, Sir Stephen Fox, Mr. 
Chancellor. The Duke of Albemarle, the Lord 

1 Hawthorne, Grandjatlier's Chair, p. 484. 



Falkland, Sir John Narborough, Sir James Hayes, all 
Adventurers, were called in, and Mr. Pepys was there 
for the debate. And a warm debate it must have 
proved to be. The Adventurers were dependent upon 
the King for the use of a frigate, and His Majesty 
was inclined to press his advantage. He now de- 
manded, instead of his legal one-tenth share, one-fifth 
of all treasure to be recovered, and when these returns 
amounted to one hundred and fifty thousand pounds 
he demanded one-third part of all that exceeded that 

The new expedition was to be under the old naval 
veteran Sir John Narborough, with Captain Phips as a 
second in command. The King promised the use of 
a frigate (the Turks Tyger, or Eiger, called by both 
names in the patents, but this was exchanged for the 
Foresight before the expedition sailed) for one year, 
full manned (200 men), and with guns, tackle, 
ammunition, apparel, and furniture suitable for this 
service, and to defray all charges of * Weare and 
Tare ' during the voyage. The Adventurers on their 
side were to pay the wages of officers and men, and 
victual the ship, together with any other vessels 
which accompanied them. Orders were further given 
that all governors, commanders of ships, and all 
officers, civil and military, should lend their aid to 
the enterprise, and that Sir John Narborough was 
empowered to drive away all others from fishing 
from the wreck.^ 

One more honour was conferred upon Captain Phips. 
On June 28 the Duke of Albemarle presented his 
Captain to the King at Windsor,^ where ' His Maj^'^ 

1 Bodleian Library, Rawlinson A, 189, fo. 370. 

* There was some question as to what should be done with the 
treasure taken by other ships, and what share should be reserved for 
the King. 

» Kennet, History oj England (1703), vol. iii. p. 470. 

254 THE TREASURE SHIP [book vil 

rec'd him very graciously and knighted him.' So as 
Sir WilHam Phips the former Captain went forth to 
make a name for himself in the colonial history of the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony. 

All this excitement had its effect upon the world 
at large. While Albemarle and the King discussed 
new patents for future treasure, those sloops which 
had assisted Phips when his divers fell ill returned to 
Bermuda, and the secret was blown abroad among the 
islands of the Caribbean Sea. Expeditions from 
Jamaica and other islands were hurriedly fitted out, 
and vast treasure was taken up that was never 
accounted for in England. In more exalted quarters the 
matter made as great a stir. The Prince of Orange 
straightway began to make ready a ship to be under 
the command of Lord Mordaunt. Humbler folk, too, 
lost their heads at the thought of such sudden riches, 
and patents in fabulous numbers were granted for 
like expeditions into which those who could ill afford 
it put their little all. Stories of rich ships were on 
every credulous tongue. Shares were sold in these 
ventures, and particularly sought after were those of 
ships ' said to be in the possession of the Devil.' ^ 
* So, in the end,' says Sloane, ' though the money 
brought into England from the first wreck was very 
considerable, yet much more was lost on projects of 
the same nature.' The Gentlemen Adventurers went 
serenely on their way, proudly conscious that the 
Duke of Albemarle's patent, under the Great Seal, 
now included all ' Wreck, Jetsam, Flotsam and Lagan 
and goods derelict, Gold, merchandize and other 
goods and chattells which had been before or since the 
eighteenth day of July One thousand Six hundred 
Eighty Six, or which before the Eighteenth of July One 

1 Sloane, Introduction to A Voyage to the Islands of Madeira, Bar- 
badoes, etc. (1707). 


thousand Six Hundred Eighty Nine, Should be left, 
cast away, wrecked or lost by shipwreck or otherwise 
in or upon any of the Rocks, Shelves, Shoales, 
Seas or Bancks to the Windward or on the North 
Side of Hispaniola or about the Islands or Shoals 
of Bahama or in or near the Gulf of Florida in 
America.' ^ 

While the Adventurers counted their gold and the 
rest of the world sighed with envy, one soul felt de- 
frauded, and refused to submit meekly to the for- 
getfulness of his betters. Poor Smith ! His name 
ushers in the tragic note of this seventeenth-century 
comedy. The Gentlemen Adventurers took and used 
his information, and rewarded him with the empty 
glory of having his name mentioned in the same 
breath with the best in England, and conveniently 
forgot to pay him his two-sixteenths of the treasure. 
True he had not signed the Articles of Agreement, and 
had no capital to invest save his knowledge of the 
location of the wreck. This sailor was a hardy man 
of action, and he made such a noise and commotion 
over his wrongs that the matter was brought before 
the Privy Council sitting at Hampton Court Palace, 
July 16, 1687. A large and brilliant company were 
present to hear the petition of one John Smith, now 
styled a merchant of London. * With the King's 
most Excellent Majesty,' the Council Register re- 
cords, ' were gathered the Lord Chancellor, the Lord 
President, the Lord Privy Seal, the Duke of Ormond, 
the Duke of Albemarle, the Marquis of Powys, the 
Lord Chamberlain, the Earle of Peterborow, the 
Earls of Bath, Craven, Rochester, Moray, Middleton, 
Melford, Lord Belasys, Lord Dartmouth and Mr. 
Chancellor of the Exchequer.' * Upon hearing the 
matter by Council learned upon either side,' the case 

^ Bodleian Library, Rawlinson A, 189, fo. 370. 

256 THE TREASURE SHIP [book vii. 

was sent to the Court of Chancery.* The matter 
was finally settled when both sides agreed that one- 
fourth part of Smith's two -sixteenths should go to 
Albemarle, who engaged to pay Smith's share of the 

Early in August, armed with many formidable 
documents, Sir John Narborough in the Foresight 
hurried back to the Western Sea to seek for further 
fortune.^ The Good Luck and the Boy Huzzar{?), 
under command of Sir William Phips, accompanied 
the expedition.* 

Whatever has been said of the Duke of Albemarle, 
he stands alone as a treasure-seeker. He alone of all 
those who through four hundred years have sent out 
ships to search the sea for lost plate-ships gained in 
return a fortune worthy to be recalled. As has been 
said, he received some ninety thousand pounds in 
bullion, and his fortunes must have thereby been 
restored in a marked degree and his prestige increased 

^ Privy Council Register, James ii., Part ii., April 4, 1687, to 
December 16, 1688. 

* ' The Respondent's Case in an appeal to the Lords. The Viscount- 
ess Falkland, executrix of the late Ld. Falkland, Sir Cloudesly Shovell, 
and Dame Ehzabeth his wife, executrix of Sir John Narborough, 
Kt., Francis Nicolson, Esq., and others. Appellants. William, Lord 
Cheney, Sir Walter Clarges, Dr. Peter Berwick and others, surviving 
executors of Christopher late Duke of Albemarle, Respondants. To be 
heard on Tues. Dec. 12, 1704.' — Brit. Mus. 816 M 5, p. 61. 

' All Souls College, Oxford, ccxlvii., fo. 117. Patent dated February 
24, 168^, among papers bequeathed to the College in the last part of 
the eighteenth century by Luttrell Wynne, D.C.L., formerly fellow of 
AJl Souls. These papers consist of more than a hundred volumes of 
Parliamentary journals, State and other papers, the collection of 
Narcissus Luttrell, and letters to Owen Wynne, D.C.L., secretary to 
Sir Leoline Jenkins, when ambassador to the Hague and Cologne, and 
Secretary of State in Charles 11. 's reign. 

* A fragment of the patent for the Good Luck and the Boy Huzzar 
now forms part of a pocket-book once the property of Colonel Joseph 
Ward (1736-1812). This torn piece of parchment is the foundation of 
this book. 


To prosecute further expeditions in search of wrecks 
redoubled Albemarle's desire to betake himself to 
Jamaica. Did some curse from dead Spanish lips 
lie upon this sunken gold ? No real happiness ever 
again visited the Albemarles after it came into their 


' Young colonies, like tender plants, should be cherished 
and dealt easily with, it being better to put soil to their 
roots than to pluck too early fruit.' 

Sir Thomas Lynch, Governor of Jamaica. 


The Duke had held his commission as Governor for 
many months, but until aroused to increased interest 
by his West Indian venture he had taken few steps 
toward assuming his duties. After the unhurried 
manner of the time, he pursued his leisurely course 
without fear of criticism from King or ministers of 

For a year or more he had held the circular letter 
to colonial governors ordering the publication of the 
Royal Declaration of Indulgence and a proclamation 
ordering the Suppression of Pirates, neither of which 
were edicts likely to be popular in Jamaica. 

His commission making him ' Governor, Lieu- 
tenant-General, and General of our Island of Jamaica,' 
covered much parchment, and was dated November 
25, 1686. It fairly bristled with instructions to the 
new official, and was loaded with special privileges.^ 
It explained that the government of Jamaica was to 
consist of a Governor, a Council of seven Jamaicans 
(five being a quorum), who were to be 'men of good 
life and estates, not necessitous persons, or much in 
debt.' In order to fill places made vacant, by death 
or suspension, Albemarle was requested to keep a 
list of names of ehgible men in England, where appoint- 
ments to this Council were confirmed.^ The Govern- 
ment further consisted of an elective assembly * in the 

* Patent Rolls, 2 James 11., Part xi. 6 dorse; Cal. State Papers, Col., 
1685-8, § 1026. 

* One of Albemarle's earliest grievances lay in the fact that he could 
not appoint councillors without confirmation in England. 


262 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

nature of a Parliament,' as one of the old letters 
describes it.^ 

The Governor's powers were large. He was able 
to veto laws, statutes, and ordinances. He could 
adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve the Assembly. He 
was Keeper of the Public Seal, and could administer 
the oath of allegiance. With the advice of the 
Council he was empowered to establish Courts of 
Justice, civil and criminal, and he alone appointed 
judges, justices of the peace, and ministers. Except 
for treason and wilful murder, he might grant par- 
dons and always reprieve a prisoner until the King's 
will was known. Ministers for the churches, chapels, 
and ecclesiastical benefices when vacant were in his 
appointment, although his authority in this seems to 
conflict with the powers of the Bishop of London. 

As commander-in-chief of all the island mihtia, he 
had full mihtary authority, and in case of war might 
order his forces to any part of the American planta- 
tions. In addition, he was desired to fortify and build 
castles in his domain for its defence. As the crowning 
point of his oiHcial dignities, he was created Vice- 
Admiral of the Western Seas, under direct orders 
from the King or the Lord High Admiral, with power 
of suspending and appointing the King's naval 

With the winter months came an interlude of other 
business. The King now quite openly endeavoured to 
return his subjects to the Roman faith. Cambridge 
University early became a mark for his attack. The 
loyalty of this ancient seat of learning could not be 
disputed. On the King's accession they had evinced 
their devotion by a lengthy address, and not many 
years since they had gone to the extreme of publicly 

^ George Keid to Father Churchill, CO. i : 65, No. S3 ; Cal. Stale 
Papers, Col., § 1928. 


burning a portrait by Kneller of their late Chancellor, 
Monmouth, to signify their abhorrence of his treason. 
On Ash Wednesday of 1687 the King wrote to this 
University a letter commanding that Alban Francis, 
a Benedictine monk, be admitted as Master of Arts 
without taking the oaths of supremacy and obedi- 
ence prescribed by law.^ Alarmed by this mandate. 
Dr. Peachell, Vice-Chancellor of the University and 
master of Magdalene College, wrote, in haste, to the 
Chancellor, the Duke of Albemarle, begging his in- 
tercession with the King on their behalf. The Duke 
did his part, but was obliged to write in return that 
he had been received by the King coldly and un- 
graciously. He could only add expressions of con- 
cern, and suggest that a petition to the King signed by 
the Senate might be of service. Meanwhile Father 
Francis had publicly declined to take the oaths, and 
consequently had been refused his degree. Instantly 
he took horse for Whitehall to lay his grievance 
before the King. Not many miles behind him rode 
an esquire beadle who took counsel with the Duke of 
Albemarle on behalf of the University, but was refused 
admittance to Lord Sunderland, the King's principal 
Secretary of State. On February 24, the King wrote 
a second time reiterating his command, but the 
University Senate for various reasons failed to read 
this letter until March 11. After careful but speedy 
discussion two gentlemen ^ of their number were 
dispatched to London. At Albemarle's house in 
Clerkenwell they delivered a letter from Dr. Peachell 
bearing the direction, ' Mr. Fairwell, in absence, for 
any other of the chief domestics to be speedily com- 

^ A Complete Collection of State Trials and Proceedings upon High 
Treason, 3rd ed., London, 1742, vol. iv. pp. 254-62. 

2 Mr. Braddock, Fellow of Katherine's Hall and Mr. Stanhope of 
King's College. 

264 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

municated to his Grace.' This letter brought news 
of what * extraordinary affairs ' were taking place at 
the University, and set forth at length such arguments 
as were thought might prevail with the King. * The 
Sovereign's second letter,' wrote the Vice-Chancellor, 

* doth wonderfully afflict us not knowing how to 
avoid either his sacred majesty's displeasure or the 
censure and condemnation of our own consciences. I 
pray God direct us, for we design uprightly and 
loyally.' After quoting Acts of Parliament which in 
no unmistakable words defined their course the Duke 
was besought to aid ' if he knows how conveniently 
both to help and council us.' The closing words of 
this letter breathe the solemn portent of the moment. 

* May Almighty God bless our dread Sovereign, our 
gracious Chancellor, and this loyal University.' 
This appeal to their Chancellor met with loyal re- 
sponse. The gentlemen from Cambridge waited upon 
the Duke on Sunday, March 13, and were received 
with 'all the goodness in the world.' He assured 
them that ' notwithstanding he had waited on the 
King before and knew his inclinations, nay though 
he had been received with something of displeasure, 
yet considering the relation he bore (them) he would 
make another attempt and thought himself obliged 
to omit no endeavours for the University's safty and 

These courageous words spoken by the Duke 
pledged him to a course of action which might undo 
in a moment all the carefully constructed fabric of his 
renewed prestige. Yet next evening he fearlessly be- 
took himself to Whitehall accompanied by the two 
emissaries from Cambridge, whom he left in an ante- 
room, hoping an occasion could be found to present 
them. The Duke then waited upon the King ' in the 
passage toward the Bedchamber,' the scene of his 


rebuff of nearly two years before. The King listened 
to the Duke's words, but told him he had not then 
leisure for discussion ; but he took the Vice-Chancellor's 
latest letter to read and was seen with it in his hand 
as he passed through the rooms. The King spent the 
evening with the Queen-Dowager, and Albemarle had 
no further opportunity for conversation . He returned 
to the disappointed gentlemen in the ante-room, and 
in discourse with them found that he could oblige 
them by gaining them an audience with Lord Sunder- 
land. Through the agency of the Duke's Gentleman 
of the Horse and the Earl's Secretary, an interview 
was arranged for the morning following. All this 
effort was to little purpose. The King chose to be 
offended by Dr. Peachell's letter. Cases where the 
degree of Master of Arts had been conferred on those 
of different faith who had not taken the oaths were 
cited as establishing a precedent. Among these was 
Albemarle's former guest, the Mohammedan Ambas- 
sador from Morocco. The Vice-Chancellor and 
certain representatives of the University Senate^ 
found themselves summoned to appear before the 
new High Commission at Westminster and face its 
presiding officer, the Lord Chancellor Jeffreys. The 
unfortunate Dr. Peachell, unused to such abuse as 
Lord Jeffreys heaped upon him, was easily silenced, 
and he was deprived of his offices and emoluments in 
punishment for his offence against the King. Small 
wonder that Albemarle pleaded for his University 
without success, when the venerable and revered Duke 
of Ormonde vainly protested in like cases concerning 
Oxford University and Charterhouse. It was but 
too evident to the Duke of Albemarle that he had 
jeopardised in vain the position he had regained with 

' One of these gentlemen was Sir Isaac Newton, Fellow of Trinity 
College and Professor of Mathematics. 

266 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

such difficulty, and he must have at once reahsed that 
he could hope to accomplish nothing in England for 
himself or others while the King persisted in his 
present policy. He therefore busied himself anew 
with the Jamaica governorship. For hopeful of 
rich returns from future search for treasure, the King 
was prodigal of such favours as would increase the 
Duke's interest in the West Indies. On the very 
day, March ii, of the reading of the King's second 
letter by the University Senate, the Duke received 
another royal patent under the Privy Seal, granting 
him all mines of gold or silver and all royal mines 
whatsoever, and ' . . . mynes of lead, gum, copper 
and other mynes, and minerals and veins of Saltpetre 
and all Earthes, Soiles or Ground for the making of 
Saltpetre and all Mineralls, Earthes, Stones, and Salts 
whatsoever, whether the same or any of them be 
ready opened or discovered or not opened or dis- 
covered within all and every our plantations or 
Colonyes in America or Colonies of New England, 
Virginia and all parts Northward of our Colonye of 

These privileges were granted for a period of fifty- 
one years. In return, Albemarle was obliged to pay 
one-sixth of the gold and silver, and one-tenth of the 
minerals mined, into the King's private exchequer. 
One-sixth of the saltpetre must go to the stores of the 
Office of the Ordnance. These mining operations 
were to be started within three years or the grant 
would be void.i Fancy the wrath of the colonists at 
this wholesale disposal of their mineral riches ! 

It was not until May 7 that another patent 
came from the office of the Privy Seal. This gave 
Albemarle power to confer knighthood during his 
governorship in the island of Jamaica, with all 

* Patent Roll, 3 James 11., Part 11. 5. 


the honour accruing to the recipient as if conferred 
by the King himself.^ Albemarle might now feel 
that he possessed full viceregal powers, and when 
the treasure ship returned he was in a way to 
demand many more concessions. His next parch- 
ments refer exclusively to the wreck, and the further 
search for lost treasure. These are many and of 
wearisome length and weight. 

In July he received a patent making him com- 
mander-in-chief of all forces in any colony he might 
visit, and for so long as he remained there. Conse- 
quently his passage out to his Government must be 
interrupted to exercise these functions and review all 
troops, both regular and of the militia. Hereafter he 
is often spoken of as * our Generalissimo.' 

As the time for departure drew nigh Albemarle 
began to realise the irksome nature of the regulation 
which prevented governors from returning to England 
without special permission from the Home Govern- 
ment. He made haste to remedy this evil, in his 
own case, by persuading the King to give him a 
permission to return to England whenever he pleased, 
and for whatever reason might seem good to him. 
He, moreover, took care to interpolate a paragraph 
which stipulated that coasting about Jamaica and 
visits to the wreck should not be considered absence 
from his Government. 

On August 15 many pages of final instructions were 
sent to him. 2 Trade of all kinds was to be encouraged, 
great emphasis being laid upon his care for the Royal 
African Company,^ which was at all times to receive 
special protection. The Governor must see to it that 
the Company be paid either in money or commodities. 

^ Patent Roll, 4 James 11., Part iv. 20. 
^ State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1404. 
^ See p. 285. 

268 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

Outsiders must be prevented from engaging in the 
slave-trade, and royal frigates ordered to escort the 
slave-ships to ports in the Spanish possessions where 
good markets might be found. Diego Mozet, agent 
for the Spanish slave-dealers, was to be allowed to 
settle in Jamaica. Even more emphasis was laid 
upon the privileges of Colonel Render Molesworth,^ 
Deputy-Governor and factor of the said Royal African 
Company. 2 This gentleman was not to be hindered 
in returning to England in case of any dispute be- 
tween him and Albemarle while settling accounts, 
and no more than five thousand pounds bond for 
security was to be exacted from him. 

Still another military commission accompanied 
these orders strengthening his position as mihtary 
commander of militia in his island Government. 
This seems to have been issued only to gild the dis- 
tasteful order contained in the paragraph which 
followed : 

* You are to give all protection, countenance and 
encouragement to our Roman Catholic Subjects in 
our Island of Jamaica. And Particularly unto Dr. 
Churchill whom we have appointed Chief Pastor over 
them in that our Island, unto whom you are to give 
credit and assistance as there shall be occasion. He 
(Dr. Churchill) has permission to go to any part of 
the Plantations of America in case of illness for the 
recovery of his health.' ^ 

This is the first mention of this Roman Catholic 
priest, Dr. Churchill. In spite of his different faith, 
he became Albemarle's good friend and staunch 
supporter in the troublous days to come; but he was 
not numbered among the Duke's personal attendants, 
and did not come to Jamaica until after the Duke's 

^ Acting Governor of Jamaica until Albemarle's arrival. 

2 See p. 288. 

* CO. 138 : 5, pp. 333-.^ ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1404. 

1687] NEW FAVOURS 269 

arrival.^ It has been asserted that Albemarle had 
at last succumbed to his royal master's persuasions 
and had gone over to the Church of Rome. In the 
records of his Jamaica governorship there is little 
suggestion of such being the case. His personal 
chaplain was appointed by the Bishop of London, 
Henry Compton, who writes that he has another 
chaplain * ready to attend him when he taks his 
voyage a very ingenious man one Mr. Arwaker de- 
siring that honour ' ; ^ and this man's name, differently 
spelled, heads the list of supernumeraries on the 
Assistance. His secretary, Mr. Latton, was also 
presumably a clergyman of the Church of England,^ 
as he is said to have been unable to take the oaths 
in the time of William and Mary.'* 

One last patent the Duke now demanded and 
received. The great forests of America remained 
practically untouched, except by the pioneer's axe. 
To Albemarle's alert eye here lay a further chance 
for riches. Some new invention for running saw-mills 
by the power of the wind had possibly come to his 
notice. He was of an inventive turn of mind, and 
had made some practical suggestions in improving 
the primitive diving-bell of the period.^ The 

1 Captains' Logs, 68; Log-Book of the Assistance, Public Record 

* Hist. MSS. Com., i^ih Report, Montagu of Beaulieu MSS., p. 199. 

3 Welbeck MSS., Letter of Dr. Stratford to the Earl of Oxford, 
June 12, 1726. 

* William Latton left a tribute to his master which should be noticed. 
It was written January 10, 1727-8, thirty years after the Duke of 
Albemarle's death, when Latton had received but tardy justice by 
order of the House of Lords : ' I shall have enough (money) to lay down 
my grey hairs cheerfully, especially having now lived to see my services 
thus owned by the Lords' Committees, . . . and my faithful endeavours 
for my dear master the Duke of Albemarle so far justified by all but 
his executors, whom the Almighty forgive.' — Nichol's Literary History, 
iv. p. 734. Letter to Dr. Moss, Dean of Ely. 

^ Dryden's Works (Walter Scott's edition, 1808), vol. ix. pp. 394-5> 
' Absalom and Achitophel,' Note xxvii. 

270 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

monopoly for all saw-mills in America run by this 
new process now became his for a period of fourteen 
years. All the returns from the project were to be 
for his own personal use,^ The turbulent New 
England Colonies were alone excepted from this grant. 
One final benefaction followed this patent. Two 
thousand pounds were given him as emolument for 
the year or more that had already passed of his 
governorship. In spite of this unearned salary, he 
felt himself ill-used when it was decided that the 
perquisites rightfully belonged to the acting Governor, 
Hender Molesworth, in far Jamaica. 

Although the Duke of Albemarle showed himself, 
in his official capacity, so successful in securing every 
privilege that came within his ken, his private affairs 
were in a far from happy state. The new will, which 
had been discussed these two years and had been 
six months in the making, still remained unsigned. 
The Duchess and her agents redoubled their im- 
portunities, as the time for sailing for Jamaica drew 
near. Nor would the lady hear of a retreat from the 
sale of Dalby and Broughton. Disoblige the Lord 
Chancellor Jeffreys ? How could the Duke think of 
such a thing ? we fancy we hear her say. But Lord 
Bath quite openly accused her of systematically plan- 
ning to enlarge the Duke's personal estate at the ex- 
pense of his landed property, as in the event of her 
husband's death she would be the gainer thereby. 

July 4 (1687) brought the culmination of Albe- 
marle's troubles. This was the day appointed for 
signing the deeds of transfer of the manors of Dalby 
and Broughton. It was arranged that Albemarle 
and Jeffreys should meet with Sir Robert Clayton, ^ 

^ Patent Rolls, 3 James 11., Part 11. 13. 

* Clayton has been accused of enricliing himself on the Duke of 
Buckingham's necessities. 


* that prodigious rich scrivener,' ^ at his house in 
the Old Jewry, * build ... for a great magis- 
trate at excessive cost.' ^ The story of this day's 
transactions was told in Court some ten years later. 
The torn parchments and papers in the Public 
Record Office, which preserve the evidence of the 
great Chancery suit, bear many a sentence indelibly 
struck out by a later hand. All of these blotted words 
seem to relate to Albemarle's condition on that 
momentous day. The evidence of Lord Bath and 
the comments of Mr. Baron Powell go to prove that 
the Duke went to the appointment not only much 
against his will, but * was drawn there unto by undue 
practices.' ^ He was accompanied by the agents of 
the Duchess from Newcastle House to the mansion 
in Old Jewry. His state of mind is variously com- 
mented upon. Mr. Baron Powell, after hearing much 
evidence, comments : ' He was in a fretting, discon- 
tented humour.' ^ Lord Bath, who talked with the 
Duke for some time later in the day, testified that 
' He was in a great transport of discontent.' 

Lord Bath had been bidden to be present at the 
transfer of the manors, but arrived too late. He was 
ushered into the presence of Sir Robert Clayton, who 
informed him that the deeds were signed, the Lord 
Chancellor gone, and the Duke withdrawn into an 
inner room with Sir Thomas Stringer. The two 
remained in talk, awaiting the Duke's return, and 
Sir Robert went on to say that * The Duke had 
looked so disturbed at the signing of the conveyance 
to Lord Jeffreys as that he thought not fit to 
invite them to a collation which he had prepared 
for them.' 

Behind the doors of that inner room, the Duke was 

^ Evelyn, Diary, September 26, 1672, and note. ^ Ibid, 

* Chan. Froc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9. * Ibid. 

272 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

at last at bay. Sir Thomas Stringer, full of plausible 
arguments, would no longer put off the signing of the 
will. He had brought as witnesses his son, his son- 
in-law, and a minion of the Duchess. To the Duke's 
last feeble struggles to postpone the inevitable, Sir 
Thomas replied that * to-morrow he was to be gone 
on the Northern Circuit and so could not be at the 
execution of it.' So the Duke gave way, but not 
' till after much urging and solicitation.' ^ The only 
comment on this curious occasion must be that the 
Duke, worn out by continual prodding, believing that 
this will could not hold good and had no legal value, 
signed his name. He was still a young man, not yet 
thirty-four, and in spite of his present bad health 
without a thought of early death. Indeed, the 
Duchess seemed likely to predecease him, and in that 
event he could make what further will he pleased. 
This present signing would give him the respite he 
needed for his preparations for Jamaica. 

These same preparations went busily on throughout 
July and August, although the Duke was now as 
seriously ill as the Duchess. Dr. Barwick had per- 
suaded a young physician, who had lately completed 
his studies, to accept the position of medical attendant 
to the Jamaican expedition. This was no other than 
Dr. Hans Sloane, whose great collections formed part 
of the nucleus of the British Museum. He, with 
Dr. Barwick, Dr. Brown, and Mr. Hobbs, sat in 
consultation on the Duke's case. Their verdict 
announced that he must drink less and sleep more. 
The Duke little heeded this advice, for many splendid 
entertainments were being given for him, not only to 
celebrate his success as a treasure-seeker, but to cheer 
one who was so soon to be lost among the wilds of 
colonial life. The King himself had entertained him 

^ Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9. 


at dinner at the camp on Hounslow Heath, ^ where he 
saw the new standing army which the King reviewed 
nearly ever>' day, riding over from Windsor for the 
purpose. He had sat for the last time in the House 
of Lords, the Privy Council would see his face no 
more. Already Lady Essex and Sir Joseph William- 
son were wrangling for possession of his deserted 
pew in the gallery of the new and fashionable Church 
of St. James's in the Fields (Piccadilly). 

Early in September, all preparations were at length 
completed. The royal frigate Assistance, Lawrence 
Wright, commander, forty-four guns, two hundred 
seamen, awaited the ducal party at Portsmouth. 
She was laden with provisions in plenty, for her log- 
book records : ^ 

* 20 Tons of Beer 
25 Tons — Iron bound Beer 
2 Tons in wood 
8 Tons — Sea Beer 
2 Chests of Candles 
Powder and Amunition 
300 bags of Bread, Oatmeale and Pease, Currents 
and flower. 
Butter and cheese 
20 Tuns of Water 
A Lighter of wood.' 

The ship had been carefully prepared for the voyage 
and temporary cabins built for the ladies. The Duke 
carried with him five hundred tons of goods and one 
hundred servants, the furniture for a chapel, books 
of homilies, and the Thirty-nine Articles. These last- 
named in such numbers that each church on the 
island should have its copy. Graceless as he was, 
he exacted every Bible and hymn-book set down in 
his patent. 

* Nation Correspondence, July I2, 1687. 

* Log-book of the A ssistance. 

274 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

The Duke's gold dressing plate was packed.^ The 
many chests needed to contain the patents, grants and 
commissions — stiff parchments, heavy with seals — 
stood ready for embarking. ^ Safe at Newhall were left 
the patent for the treasure ship, and in orderly array 
the deeds to all his lands, his commissions, and those 
of his father before him, 'bundles of ancient writing and 
bags of old letters.' ^ As much business still remained 
to be transacted in connection with the treasure ship, 
the Duke placed his interests in the hands of certain 
trustees — the Duke of Newcastle, the Earls of Bath, 
Bridge water and Craven, Lord Cheyne and his son 
William, Gervase Pierrepont, Sir Walter Clarges and 
Mr. Bowers. 

It was probably September 5 when the Duke of 
Albemarle last appeared amid his old surroundings. 

^ Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 193, No. 45, August 23, 1708. 

« CO., I : 62, No. 83a ; Cal. State Papers, Col, 1685-8, § 1332. 

' List of papers, etc., delivered to his Grace the Duke of Albemarle 
upon his going to Jamaica. 

' His Majestie's instructions, dated 15 Mar. 168S. 

' Additional Instructions, 3 July 1687. 

' An Order in Council, dated 3 November, 1680, touching absence of 
governors in the plantations. 

' Copy of an Order, dated 10 December, 1682, for allowance of half 
salary and half perquisites to the lieutenant governor during the 
governor's absence. 

' A printed book of treaties, containing the treaty of Madrid (1670) 
with Spain touching differences in America. 

' A Letter from the Lords of the Committee of Trade and Plantations 
with his Maj tie's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience. 

' An account of Stores sent from the office of the Ordinance since 
December 1676. 

' Received this 5th day of July 1687 the forementioned papers. — 

This list was signed the day following the making of his last will, 
July 4, 1687, and the name is written rather feebly. 

3 Bodleian Library, Rawlinson A, 289, fo. 134; Rawlinson D, 923, fo. 
112. Schedules of writings taken from Newhall in 1689 and 1690 in 
connection with the controversy over the will. It should be noticed 
that the Rawhnson who presented these manuscripts to the Bodleian 
was a beneficiary under the Duke of Albemarle's will, being an heir of 
Curwin Rawlinson and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Nicholas Monck. 


All was ready for the departure for Portsmouth on 
the morrow. He took his way to ' St. James's to the 
Earl of Bath's house ' to ' take his leave of the Earle 
and his lady.' ^ Perhaps he wore the gorgeous 
costume of the portrait by John Riley. ^ Dr. Barwick 
records in one of his letters that a portrait of the Duke 
remained unfinished on his departure for Jamaica, 
and this may be the one, for the costume seems to 
be by a hand other than that which painted the face.^ 
Here we see him clad in satin curiously embroidered 
in gold thread ; the sleeves of his coat, elaborately 
decorated with rows of seed pearls, are finished at the 
wrist with puffs about the hands and ruffles edged 
with rich Venetian lace. He wears an enormous wig, 
and his high-heeled shoes show beautifully jewelled 
buckles. A great blue velvet mantle, satin lined, 
is tied with golden cords and tassels. His tall 
feathered hat stands on the chequered pavement at 
his feet. Did he wear his gold buttons set with 
diamonds and his great jewel-hilted sword ? Or, 
on this peaceful errand, the walking-stick, with its 
gold knob set with diamonds ? * One dwells on the 
splendour of the apparel on this autumn day, for the 
face that looks forth from the great wig is no longer the 
bright face of the young Duke. The days of illness, 
the constant irritation of his home life, the humihation 
of his years of financial embarrassment, and, above all, 
* the sitting up late and often making merry with his 
friends,' have done their work. And now at thirty- 
four, * he is of a sanguine complexion, his face reddish 
and his eyes yellow as also his skin.' ^ 

At the Earl of Bath's house all was friendly regret 

1 Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9. Answers of the Hon. 
Bernard Grenville, Esq. 

2 Welbeck Abbe^', No. 414. ^ Montagu House MSS. 

* Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 193, No. 45, August 23, 1708. 

* Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS., 3984, fos. 282-4. 

276 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

over his departure. With the Grenville family he 
was ever soothed and at his best. Here too came the 
Hon. Bernard Grenville, his old friend and companion, 
to * wait on him,' The words of farewell were at 
length said, and the two friends, the Duke and Bernard 
Grenville, left the house together ' and did walk from 
thence over St. James' Parke to Whitehall.' And, 
* in his passing over the Parke,' Mr. Grenville, brought 
to a moment of frank confidence with his boyhood's 
friend, took occasion to murmur some words of thanks 
for the provision made for him by the Duke in his 
new will, and mentioned that Sir Thomas Stringer had 
told him of it ^nd that the gift had been inserted in 
the will at the suggestion of Sir Thomas, * unto which 
the Duke replied with some reflections on Sir Thomas 
Stringer, that he had not dealt well with him (Gren- 
ville), for that he had never moved him (Albemarle) 
on his behalf, but however he (Albemarle) had taken 
care of him. Grenville would find the effect of his 
kindness and withal said, " Your brother (meaning the 
Earl of Bath) can tell you when and how, and I refer 
you to him in case of my death, and farther you may 
acquaint your brother with what I say before I go, if 
you please." ' Of course, Mr. Grenville lost no time 
in consulting his brother, and discovered that the Duke 
if he died without issue had settled an estate upon 
him, the manor of Clewer. So the friends went on to 
the Palace where all was drowsy, for the Court was at 

Next day the Duke and Duchess set out for Ports- 
mouth, where they arrived on Thursday the 8th. 
On Saturday the Duke went on board the Assistance 
to give order how he would have the cabins ' disposed 
of,' ^ while the Duchess wrote in a trembhng hand one 
last letter to her sister Margaret. 

• Log-book of the Assislance. 


' Ye 10 oj Septembr, PORCHMOUTH. 

* Deare Sister, — You have reson to exspet I 
should take leve of you som way and sences I am 
deprived of seeing you, ye next best is heareing from 
me and to asure you theire is not won leveing in ye 
world that loves you better then I doe and am ready 
to testtyfi it apon proufe whenever I am caled. I 
beech (beseech) God to presarve you and send you 
happyley disposed of whatevuer becoms of me. Wee 
are just parting from Eingland. Pray Deare give my 
affection to sister Bell.^ God bless her. I am at all 
times, Your afifectionate sister, 

* E. Albemarle.' 

* For the Lady Margrite Cavendyske 

at Welbeck. 
' Leve this with post master at Tuxford, Noting- 
chamshire.' {Seal.) ^ 

On Monday, September 12, the Duke and Duchess 
went on board in state, and at half-past two the 
Assistance set sail, accompanied by the Duke's yacht, 
carrying his servants and store of provisions and two 
merchantmen as convoy. But they sailed only to 
take shelter from the bad weather behind the Isle of 
Wight. Once more they weighed anchor, and were 
again driven back this time to St. Helen's Roads out- 
side Plymouth Harbour. Here they tossed about 
from September 19 until October 5. An ocean 
voyage in the seventeenth century was not a thing 
to be lightly undertaken, or hurriedly carried to its 
end. Contrary winds respected no man. The whole 
party were grievously sea-sick and depressed by rainy 
weather. The first fair day brought a party of 
gentlemen from Plymouth to visit the Duke. They 
came to condole and also to take farewell. For, on 
October 5, the ships finally weighed anchor to the 

1 Lady Arabella Cavendish, wife of Charles, Lord Spencer, 1673- 
98. He became the third Earl of Sunderland, 1702. 

2 Welbeck MSS. 


278 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

sound of heavy salutes. Twenty-one guns from the 
Citadel, St. Nicholas Island, and the men-of-war 
in the harbour saluted the departing Governor. 
When they had passed the Lizard and were out upon 
the broad Atlantic, the Duke ordered his Admiral's 
flag ' hoisted on the main top mast and several huzzas 
and guns discharged at drinking his Grace's, the Duke 
of Albemarle's health who was then Vice Admiral 
of those seas.' The ships in company likewise showed 
their respect in discharging their guns by way of 
salute to the flag, and the like was done by * some ships 
bound for Guina who kept company with the Frigate 
to avoid hazard from the Sully men-of-war, who are 
very busy about these parts. One who was some 
leagues ahead hauld up his sails and lay by till the 
Frigate was passed, when he likewise by a salute of 
all his guns paid that respect due to the English 
Commander of those Seas.' ^ 

Thus was the voyage begun most prosperously, and 
had the entire party not been so very sea-sick all 
would have been merry-making. The wonders of the 
deep were a constant source of surprise to scientific 
Dr. Hans Sloane. He carefully records the sight of 
the grampus and ^porpoises playing about the ship ; 
flying fish and the chambered nautilus. At night the 
light sparkling on the water at the ship's stern 
awakened his curiosity, and the adventures of a lark 
discovered in the rigging he describes at length. 
Sailing directly south for many days, they hoped to 
find Madeira. But such was the uncertainty of 
navigation at that time that no one knew exactly 
where these islands lay, and a consultation was called 
by the Duke of all the captains and oldest seamen 
aboard the ships to get information as to their where- 
abouts. Finally an old captain, who had made the 

' Sloane, Introduction to A Voyage to Madeira. 


voyage many times, gave his word of advice, which, 
being fortunately followed, they reached Madeira and 
took on more wine and provisions.^ 

The hot, sultry weather of the tropics bore heavily 
upon all these children from grey England, and when 
they reached Barbadoes, in spite of royal salutes and 
great parties planned by the Governor, the heavy 
tropic rains all but spoilt the visit. Though Dr. 
Sloane, the Duke's travelling physician, felt * that all 
his fatigues had been well bestowed when he ate 
at desert after dinner the strange tropical fruits 
shaddocs, quavos, pines and mangoes, and other un- 
known fruits in Europe.' The strange fruits proved 
unfortunate to the travelling Governor, for he had a 
violent attack of illness at the Barbadoes, and again 
at Nevis, and kept his physician very busy for some 
days. Nevertheless, the Duke in view of his com- 
mission as Generalissimo never failed to exercise the 
militia at every port, and make notes of their condition 
for his official report to the King. The Duke and 
Duchess had won all hearts on the ships, and when- 
ever they disembarked they received not only official 
salutes of cannon, but cheers from the crew. Another 
cause of comfort met them at Barbadoes. As they 
sailed into the harbour, they beheld Sir John Nar- 
borough with the Foresight, and Captain Phips and 
his ships, the Good Luck and Boy Huzzar, ready to 
return to the wreck. But the Duke, though he 
diligently inquired for minerals, found none of the 
gold mines for which he had bargained. 

On December 19, having been four months on the 
way, they entered Port Royal harbour and were re- 
ceived by salvos of artillery ; the militia turned out 

1 ' ^Vhen passing the Tropic, the seamen demanded Tropic money 
for drink from those who had never crossed before. The penalty to 
be ducked thrice from the yard arm.' — Sloane, Introduction to A 
Voyage to Madeira. 

28o THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

to escort them, the Deputy-Governor and all the 
principal planters hurried on board to pay their 
respects. But on landing, the Duke was disgusted 
to find that neither of the two houses supplied by the 
Government for his habitation was fit to live in, and 
he was obliged to rent a house of the Deputy-Governor 
in which to begin housekeeping. It was now the 
turn of the Deputy-Governor to reimburse himself 
for lost perquisites, and he proceeded to overcharge 
the Duke for house rent and necessities. It was not 
until the 26th that the Duke and Duchess left the 
ship for this house in Port Royal. -^ 

Early in the preceding spring, the Minutes of the 
Council at Jamaica report the plans for the reception 
of the new Governor: 

* who being a great peer of the Realm of England it 
would become them to consider of receiving his Grace 
according to his quality as far as the Place was 
capable of it.' ^ 

Three days* entertainment at the public charge was 
planned. All this was delightfully carried out, the 
Duchess receiving quite her share of gallant elo- 
quence. Her presence, the provincial orator de- 
claimed, ' was an honour which the opulent kingdoms 
of Peru and Mexico would never arrive at, and 
Columbus' ghost would be appeased for all the in- 
dignities he suffered from the Spaniards, could he 
but know that his beloved soil was hallowed by such 
footsteps.' ^ 

These days of general joy and amity were short- 
lived. Albemarle, before leaving England, had been 
approached by agents of the discontented party in 
Jamaica, and into his ear had been poured a strange 
tale of abuse of privilege and decaying fortunes. 

' Log-book of Assistance. 

» CO., 140 : 4, pp. 168-9 ; (^^l- •^'^'^ Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1220. 

' Bridges, Annals 0/ Jamaica, vol. i. p. 297. 


To understand the problems now confronting 
Albemarle, some review of the history and condition 
of the colony of Jamaica is necessary. 

The island had come into English possession during 
the Commonwealth days. On the Restoration, many 
Puritan soldiers who had fought for Cromwell and 
Monck, finding England no longer a safe or a con- 
genial home, had emigrated to the American colonies. 
* Of these, not a few had found refuge in Jamaica. 
Taking up lands, they set themselves to the task of 
raising sugar-cane, and resigned themselves to the 
delights of planter life. Soldiers are notoriously bad 
colonists, and these seasoned warriors — the fires of 
strife unquenched by the languor of the tropics — 
saw with covetous eyes the wealth of the Spaniards 
lying unguarded before them. They embraced with 
avidity the life of the free buccaneers enjoyed by so 
many of the islanders of the Spanish Main. ' From 
strict saints (they) are turned to the most debauched 
devils,' writes Sir Thomas Modyford, Governor in 
those early days.^ 

Under the leadership of the famous Henry 
Morgan, who was himself a sugar planter in his 
more peaceful moments, they harried the Spaniards 
to their own enrichment and that of those much 
higher in authority.^ Sir Thomas Modyford, second 

^ Quoted by Collins. ' The Royal African Company/ in Report of 
the Am. Hist. Assoc, 1900, vol. i. p. 141. 
* Gardiner, History of Jamaica, p. 50. 


282 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

cousin of George Monck, was Governor of Jamaica, 
and his orders gave him leave to show great leniency 
toward his freebooting colonists. When the Spanish 
governors protested, he mildly chided the erring ones. 
Gossip said that not only General George Monck,^ 
but the King 2 himself received shares of the buc- 
caneers' booty, and it was inexpedient for the 
Governor to interfere with their gains. As the Home 
Government kept no naval force in the Caribbean 
Sea for the protection of their island possessions, 
the buccaneers formed a colonial navy of formidable 
strength, and prevented inroads of the French and 
Spanish. Jamaica flourished in those days. When 
a victorious expedition returned. Port Royal cele- 
brated the event with feasting and roistering. In 
the crowded streets inhabitants and buccaneers alike 
gave themselves up to a long debauch. The gutters 
flowed with Jamaica rum if not with blood, and in the 
end much Spanish gold came into the hands of the 
stay-at-home Jamaica merchants, and the buccaneers, 
with empty pockets, started off to sea once more.' 

After the signing of the Treaty of Madrid, Lord 
Sandwich in vain besought the English Government 
to live up to the agreement with Spain and suppress 
this privateering. He patiently explained that the 
Spanish had at last acknowledged England's claim 
to Jamaica, and that England in turn must do its 
part. But the Duke of York and the first Duke of 
Albemarle, to whom he particularly addressed himself, 
remembering their gains by means of the buccaneers, 
turned deaf ears. The Council argued that from 

^ Gardiner, History of Jamaica, p. 58. 

* Burnet, History of His Own Time, vol. ii. p. 102. 

* ' The Spanish ... at first coming (to Jamaica) wondered much at 
sickness of our people until they knew the strength of their drinks, but 
then wondered more that they were not aU dead.' — Sir Thos. Modyford, 
Cat. State Papers, Col., 166 1-8, § 1085. 


the time of Elizabeth onward, England had regarded 
the West Indies as fair play. So the ' Sweet Trade of 
Privateering ' went on.^ 

The sack of Panama by Henry Morgan and his 
men, 2 in January 1671, proved too much for Spanish 
patience. The buccaneers had sailed under a com- 
mission from the Governor of Jamaica, and, in con- 
sequence. Sir Thomas Modyford was recalled to 
England under arrest. After a discreet interval of 
time, passed in the Tower, he was released through 
the intercession of the second Duke of Albemarle. 
Henry Morgan was likewise in England under arrest, 
but soon the horror of his deeds was forgotten in 
admiration of his exploits.^ He was presently in 
great favour with the King, who knighted him, and 
in 1674 sent him back to Jamaica as Lieutenant- 
Governor. His enemies on the island accused him 
of secretly encouraging privateering, and interfering 
with the successive governors in the hope of succeed- 
ing them. He was sent a second time to England 
in disgrace, in 1683. At the time of the Duke of 
Albemarle's embarking, the Government was seek- 
ing an opportunity to restore him to favour. Albe- 
marle's instructions show plainly that he was expected 
to find Sir Henry guiltless of offence. 

To return to the year 1671. After the sack 
of Panama, disputes of all kinds arose between 
the colonists and the Home Government. Lord 
Vaughan,* proving unequal to the task of governor- 
ship, Lord Carlisle was sent to enforce a more vigor- 
ous policy. The Home Government now planned to 
draft a code of laws in England and force them upon 
Jamaica, while a perpetual revenue to the Crown, 

^ Harris, Edward Montagu, First Earl of Sandwich, vol. ii. p. 210. 
^ Exquemelin, Buccaneers of America, part 11. p. 31 passim. 
^ Evelyn, Diary, October 6, 1674. 
* Afterwards the Earl of Carberry. 

284 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

against which the colonists had always protested, 
was to be exacted. The Poynings Act for Ireland 
was to be enforced in Jamaica. This decreed that 
every bill before being presented to the Jamaica 
Assembly must be approved by the Privy Council in 
England, and then must be passed or rejected by the 
Assembly without amendment.^ When it is remem- 
bered that apart from the fact that the Jamaica 
settlers were of a strongly independent spirit, the 
voyage to England occupied from six weeks to four 
months, it is not strange that the proposal was hotly 
rejected by the Jamaicans. Even the Governor pro- 
tested, and the affair was finally settled when Sir 
Thomas Lynch came out as Governor ^ in 1681, 
bringing a constitution similar to that of Barbadoes, 
and giving the Assembly power to pass bills with the 
advice and consent of the Council. The disputed 
Revenue Bill was passed to operate for a period of 
seven years, ^ and it was hoped that this turbulent 
island would now settle down to peace and comfort. 
In opposition to the buccaneers, on an equally 
questionable foundation, another great power was 
at work upon the political destinies of the island, 
a power whose workings were not confined to the 
islands of the Caribbean Sea. The raising of sugar 
required labourers, and labourers who could endure 
to work in the tropic sun. As early as 1663, the 
Royal African Company was formed, and received 
a charter to supply negro slaves to the colonial 

^ Egerton, British Colonial Policy, p. 78. 

- This was Sir Thomas Lynch's second period of governorship in 

' When this Revenue Bill was under discussion in Morgan's governor- 
ship, a warrant was prepared in England to void all Acts passed by Sir 
Henry Morgan unless this Revenue Bill should be passed before the 
arrival of the new Governor, Sir Thomas Lynch. This fact should be 
remembered in connection with the voiding of all legislation passed by 
Albemarle's assembly (November 1688). 


planters. It employed forty ships, and had forts and 
factories along the coast of Africa to secure slaves. 
Among its shareholders were the Queen-Consort, 
Catherine of Braganza ; the Queen-Dowager, Henri- 
etta Maria ; the King's sister, the Duchess of Orleans ; 
and the King's brother, the Duke of York. The enter- 
prise was not a success, owing to the ' Machinations 
of the Hollanders,' who were the better business 

On October 27, 1 671, at a meeting held at Whitehall 
Palace, the Company was reorganised with a Royal 
patent and grant, under the name of the * Company 
of Royal Adventurers of England, trading with Africa.' 
They were still spoken of as the Royal African Com- 
pany. The capital was one hundred thousand pounds, 
and the first names on the subscription book are : 

James, Duke of York 


Prince Rupert 
Duke of Buckingham 


LP Craven .... 


LP Angelsey .... 

Lord Arlington 

Lord Ashley (Shaftesbury) 

G. Carteret .... 

500 1 

The Duke of York was elected Governor of the 
Company, and continued to serve in this capacity 
after he became King. He was very regular in his 
attendance, and was always voted a goodly sum in 
recognition of his condescension in attending meet- 
ings. ^ The Company held a monopoly for slave 
trade with the Plantations, and Government frigates 
were always to be had to protect this monopoly, to 
drive off ' interlopers,' as independent traders were 

1 P.R.O. Treasury, 70, vol. ci. The Royal African Company, Minute 
Book of the General Court, Subscriptions and Transfers. 

* At each meeting seven hundred and fifty pounds was distributed 
among the directors present. 

286 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

called, and to escort slave ships to their destination to 
protect them from the South Sea pirates. 

The Company's business was extended to include 
various other monopolies. They imported gold 
from Africa, and coined it themselves ; they held 
a contract to victual and fit out all the naval 
vessels at colonial ports. They also exported 
woollen cloth and imported elephants' teeth and 

The Royal African Company continually com- 
plained of their hard lot, and importuned King 
Charles II. through their Governor, James, Duke of 
York, for privileges of many kinds. 

The royal frigate Orange Tree was, for many years, 
given over to the service of protecting the Company's 
factories on the African coast, while such repre- 
sentatives of the navy as were found in the West 
Indies were chiefly employed as guardians for slave 
ships. 2 At the meeting in Drapers' Hall, January li, 
1678, presided over by the Duke of York, it was re- 
ported that forty thousand guineas of gold had been 

Some years no dividend was paid, but the stock was 
surely found to be a good investment, else so many 
men of wealth and authority would not have con- 
tinued their holdings. The meeting held in African 
House, January 14, 1686, declared a dividend of ten 
per cent., in spite of repeated reports of a bad year, 
and complaints that the planters were not paying 
their debts. It may very well be believed that the 
majority of stockholders received few or no dividends. 
But a large sum of money was obtained through the 
business of this Company and found its way into the 

* Certain Considerations Relating to the Royal African Company of 
England, printed MDCLXXX. 

* See Albemarle's instructions. 

' These coins were marked by an elephant's head. 


pockets of either officers or servants instead of the 

In Jamaica the planters felt that they had a great 
grievance against the Royal African Company. 
According to its charter, Jamaica was to be furnished 
with negroes at seventeen pounds a head.^ This 
meant seventeen pounds when a contract for a 
specific number of slaves had been previously signed. 
The slave must be taken directly from the ship with- 
out the intervention of the Company's factor. The 
Company, on its part, only engaged that the slaves 
should be sufficiently healthy to be able to walk off 
the ship unassisted.'^ Finding that they could get 
far larger prices from the neighbouring Spaniards, the 
Company drove a thriving trade with a Spanish 
dealer, while the Jamaicans were offered only such 
sick or maimed negroes as the Spaniards refused to 
buy. Consequently, their plantations were going 
untilled, the sugar crop was insufficient, and they were 
therefore in debt to the Company. 

Owing to the fact that the neighbouring Spanish 
islands had raised the value of their silver money, 
while Jamaica was not permitted to follow suit, there 
was an almost complete lack of coinage in the island. 
In consequence, the planters could only pay their 
debts in sugar. This they must ship to England, 
paying an import duty to the Government before they 
could settle with the Company. The Government 
viewed this added bit of revenue with complacency, 

* In addition to the negroes, criminals were shipped to Jamaica and 
sold to planters to work among the sugar-cane. Such servants were 
unsatisfactory, not only on account of their antecedents, being many 
of them hardened criminals, but also because, being quick and resource- 
ful, they sooner or later made their escape and joined the buccaneers, 
whose ships were largely manned by this method. The more serious- 
minded among the planters dreaded the effect upon their population of 
this criminal element. 

2 Report of the Am. Hist. Assoc, 1900, vol. i. p. 141, and passim. 

288 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

and turned a deaf ear to the complaints of the planters. 
No one can deny that their case seemed a hard one. 
To add to their grievances, the Company's factors 
also held Government offices. Hender Molesworth, 
whose name appears through many years as one of 
the Company's factors in Jamaica, served several 
times as Lieutenant-Governor. He was also Deputy- 
Governor during the interregnum between the death 
or departure for England of one Governor and 
the coming out of another. He was serving in this 
capacity in 1686-7. Sir Philip Howard, the former 
Governor, died in April 1686, and Albemarle did not 
reach Jamaica until December 19, 1687. 

England's ethical development as well as her foreign 
treaties now demanded the suppression of piracy and 
with it privateering and buccaneering.^ Slave trad- 
ing was still considered an honourable and legitimate 
calling. It made no conscience uneasy, unless it was 
the Quaker's, and him no man regarded. 

Sir Thomas Lynch, serving a second term as 
Governor, 1682-4, had bent his energies to the 
suppression of the pirates and buccaneers and the 
encouragement of the Royal African Company's 
slave trade. 2 He received small thanks for his 
efforts and incurred the enmity of the discontented 
party. He failed to subdue the buccaneers and died 
of vexation and disappointment, August 1684.^ 

The Jamaicans then, in 1687, lay smarting under 
two very real grievances, the suppression of the pro- 
fitable buccaneering and the domination of the Royal 

^ Privateers differed from pirates in having commissions. 

* He was especially disliked because in his first governorship he had 
encouraged the buccaneers. 

* Fortescue's Introduction to Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8. He 
was buried in the cathedral at Spanish Town. His inscription 
reads : ' Here lies Sir Thomas Lynch at ease and blest ; Would you 
know more, the world will speak the Rest.' — Forrest and Henderson, 
The West Indies, p. 230. 

1687] THE ASSIENTO 289 

African Company. To add to their troubles, the 
Spanish had estabUshed an agent in Jamaica to buy 
and carry off the best negroes from each slave ship 
when it put into Port Royal. Often the whole cargo 
would be thus disposed of, and the ship itself would 
sail away to a Spanish port, escorted by an English 
frigate. This Spanish trade in negroes is spoken of 
in the documents as the Assiento. This name might 
apply to any grant conceded by the King of Spain. 
In the islands of the Caribbean Sea, it was used 
exclusively to refer to the Royal African Company's 
agreement with the Spanish or Dutch for the sale of 

All English monopolies in the colonies were ordered 
with regard to the benefit which might accrue to 
England. And such was the short-sighted policy 
that it frequently, as in the case of the Jamaica 
planters and the Royal African Company, killed the 
goose that laid the golden egg. 

During the years of European war, the American 
colonies had often been left much to their own de- 
vices. The leading colonists were ever independent, 
resolute men. Jamaica was thus not alone in her 
turbulent discontent. These years were beset with 
difficulties for all colonial governors. In Barbadoes 
the Governor had succumbed to circumstances, 
and had made common cause with the boldest 
buccaneers. In New England the strong hand of 
authority was directed by Sir Edmund Andros. He 
hated the colonists and offended and tyrannised over 
them to such a degree that his rule is remembered 
with hatred unto this day. The more respectable 
planters of Jamaica, driven to despair, now joined 
forces with the buccaneers. 

The Duke of Albemarle must long have been aware 
of the controversies in his Jamaica governorship. 

290 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

Sir Thomas Modyford was his relative, and his father 
had had many deahngs with the West Indies. As 
early as 1680, Long and Beeston, two representatives 
of the planters' party who had quarrelled with the 
then Governor, Lord Carlisle, on being sent to 
England, had pleaded their cause to such purpose 
that they had moved the King to grant Jamaica the 
same privileges as Barbadoes enjoyed. These men 
were called into the Council Chamber, October 30, 
1680, and there introduced to Prince Rupert and 
the Duke of Albemarle.^ As soon as Albemarle's 
appointment was made known in Jamaica he was 
informed further of these dissensions, and he peti- 
tioned the King for especial powers to deal with 
these difficulties, which he found affected even his 
Council.^ He was far from inexperienced in colonial 
matters, having been one of the Committee of Lords 
of Trade and Plantations. He had inherited from 
his father large grants in the Carolinas. These had 
always been troublesome to manage, and he, with 
others, held rights in the island of Barbadoes and had 
quarrelled with its governors. 

^ Gardiner, History of Jamaica, p. 65. 

* April 15, 1687, CO., I : 62, p. 23-24 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, 
§ 1210. 


Before leaving the Assistance, Albemarle wrote to 
the Lords of Trade and Plantations : 

' My Lords, — This is to give you an account that 
I arrived here this morning and also hoping it will 
not be too troublesome to y^ Ld^P^ to give you this 
following relation of our whole voyage.' ^ 

Whereupon he proceeds to write a long and cir- 
cumstantial account of the entire four months' 
journey, and he dwells at length upon the condition 
of the West Indian militia, which he had reviewed. 
The postscript, however, is of more interest and must 
not be overlooked : 

* One thing I have omitted to mention to your 
Ld^P% as you will find by the minutes of the Council 
concerning Sir Henry Morgan, where the whole 
Council have desired me that I would favourable 
recommend him to his Maj^'^ for his re-admission into 
the Council which I earnestly do, and desire y"^ L^^^p^ 
will please to move it to his Maj^'^.' ^ 

This duty completed, he and the Duchess, with 
their hundred servants and five hundred tons of 
goods, landed and established themselves temporarily 
in a rented house at Port Royal. The new Governor 
now had leisure to look about him and discover what 
sort of place his ' Government beyond the Seas ' had 
proved to be. 

1 CO., I : 63, p. II, and CO., 138 : 6, p. 74; Cal. Slate Papers, Col., 
1685-8, § 1567. 

* This recommendation was duly submitted to the King, and by his 
order the prohibitions were removed from Sir Henry Morgan. 


292 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

The whole Island of Jamaica, though a tropical 
paradise, boasted Httle more than seven thousand 
inhabitants, not counting either the seamen, of whom 
there were some eight hundred belonging to the 
Ports, or the slaves, who exceeded their masters by 
quite two thousand. The town of Port Royal would 
claim first attention. Built on a narrow point of 
land running into the sea, it helped to form an ex- 
cellent harbour. In 1673 its population was some 
two thousand souls, and the ensuing years of de- 
creasing trade would have diminished rather than in- 
creased that number. Its eight hundred houses were 
of two varieties. Those constructed by the former 
Spanish inhabitants were built about a courtyard, 
and were usually but one story high. Thus they were 
admirably adapted to temper the heat of the sun and 
to withstand the frequent earth quakes.^ The English , 
unmindful of the needs of their new life, had repro- 
duced the brick homes of their own land, which Dr. 
Sloane critically remarks ' are neither cool nor able 
to withstand earthquakes.' ^ 

Spanish Town, or St. Jaco de la Vega, also showed 
traces of its former owners. Here stood the old 
cathedral built by the Spaniards in 1523, now used 
by the Church of England. Within its walls were 
buried such dignitaries as were so unfortunate as 
to die in the island, and among the epitaphs of 
Cromwell's officers Albemarle would find many a 
familiar name. The altar plate was famous for its 
age and beauty, for the buccaneers had not neglected 
their pious duty when distributing their spoils. ^ 
Kingston, on the other hand, was a new town, and 
boasted of two thousand six hundred and seventy- 

1 Port Royal was destroyed by an earthquake in 1692. 
* Sloane, Introduction to A Voyage to Madeira. 
^ Forrest and Henderson, The West Indies, p. 229. 


seven inhabitants, both bond and free. How far from 
home, how separated from their own kind, the Duke 
and Duchess must have speedily realised themselves 
to be. The neighbouring islands were even less 
populous than their own. The mainland of North 
America showed a thin line of inhabitants settled 
along the coast. The interior was a trackless wilder- 
ness claimed by France. La Salle had reached the 
mouth of the Mississippi river only five years before. 
Fortunately the Duke had short time for reflec- 
tion. He was forced immediately to give himself to 
a matter which nearly concerned him. The news of 
Albemarle's patent for the treasure ship had been 
long in reaching Jamaica. The Council were perhaps 
in no haste to make the facts public, for the stream 
of treasure coming into Jamaica was very welcome. 
The Colonial Order Book records that the King's 
proclamation on the subject was read and published 
by beat of drums at Port Royal, July 27, 1687, by 
Smith Kelly, Provost Marshal. The drums must have 
beat but gently, for the Council minutes show that 
another proclamation was published in November, 
little more than a month before the new Governor's 
arrival. Nothing was known of the second patent 
by which the King was to receive one-fifth moiety 
of the treasure. Hence, Albemarle was dismayed to 
find that only one-tenth had been exacted by Acting- 
Governor Molesworth from the reluctant seamen. 
Hastily summoning a Council at Port Royal, he put 
the matter forcefully before them. The Councillors 
were not easily disturbed, and their minutes show 
their laconic reply : 

'The Council do unanimously abide by the V^ 
Proclamation issued by their advice concerning the 
wreck. They all declaring that they intended there- 
by only his Maj^^*^'" Service and the good of this 


294 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

Island, and that they did not know of any grant from 
his Maj''^ for the same.' ^ 

In the pursuit of this subject, Albemarle was not 
entirely actuated by selfish motives. He presently 
received a letter from no less a person than King 
James himself, reminding him not only of the obliga- 
tions of his own patent, but commanding him to 
exact for the King one-half of the treasure brought 
in from any other than his own wreck, and making 
him personally responsible for the collection of all 
of the King's dues. 2 Molesworth, protected by his 
position as factor of the Royal African Company, 
showed little interest in this business. Moreover, 
he regarded the new Governor as a figurehead. He 
was speedily undeceived. Albemarle cared nothing 
for the Royal African Company's factor, and much 
that this debt to the King should rest on the proper 
shoulders. Therefore, he put Colonel Molesworth 
under a bond of one hundred thousand pounds. This 
was in direct opposition to orders, but Albemarle 
knew it would be weeks before he could receive direc- 
tions from the King, and, in the meantime, he was 
personally responsible for all the King's dues which 
had not been collected by his predecessor. Nor did 
the Duke release Molesworth from his bond, or per- 
mit him to return to England before he received a 
letter from Lord Sunderland, written by the King's 
order, by which 

' The Duke and his heirs are absolved from re- 
sponsibility for moiety up to the time of Albemarle's 
personal arrival in the Island.' ^ 

» CO., I : 62, No. 868, Wednesday, December 28, 1687. 

» CO., 138 : 6, pp. 47-9 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1490, 
October 28, 16S7. 

3 CO., 138 : 6, p. 198; Cal. State Papers, Col, 1685-8, § 1770, June i, 


Molesworth, who already had a grievance against 
the Duke in the matter of the two thousand pounds 
back pay, departed for England in no friendly mood. 
He went pursued by the story that he was in debt 
four hundred and forty-six pounds when he left the 
island, and that he had charged the revenue with 
almost two thousand pounds more. Then, too, he 
had refused to make up his accounts as factor of the 
Royal African Company. Albemarle had insisted, in 
vain, that these accounts must be completed before 
any accusations could be laid against the planters, 
in order that ' it might be rightly known what the 
Planter owes, and what his Agents.* ^ 

The feud between the Duke of Albemarle and 
Colonel Molesworth over the King's dues coloured all 
the administration. Molesworth, once in England, 
had the ear of the Company and so of the King. 
Consequently he told what stories he chose of the 
doings in Jamaica. There were planters in plenty 
who had but the poorest opinion of Colonel Moles- 
worth's integrity, even in the business of the Royal 
African Company. George Reid, a former factor 
of the Company, and so well versed in its history, 
openly accused the factors in Jamaica, of whom 
Molesworth was the chief, of having sold out the 
slave trade in Jamaica to the Dutch for their own 
private gain, and, by so doing, lost the Spanish trade 
to the Company. 2 Molesworth retaliated by accusing 
George Reid of being a discontented ex-employee, and 
generally giving his accusers the name of being not 
only liars, but debtors to the Company. Albemarle 
repeated his demand that the Company should show 

1 Montagu House MSS. Father Thomas Churchill to Albemarle, 
November 15, i688. 

* CO., I : 65, No. 90; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1947. George 
Reid to Dr. Churchill, December 7, 1688. 

296 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

their books to prove the indebtedness of these men. 
The Company repHed that such a proceeding would 
be prejudicial to their business. By the time that 
memorials were drawn up in Jamaica by the injured 
planters and presented in London, Albemarle was 
dead, King James had fled to France, and William 
of Orange had been proclaimed King. Speedily as 
did the statesmen carry through this revolution, the 
Royal African Company was speedier. The Prince of 
Orange had been in England scarcely two months 
before he was presented with one thousand pounds 
worth of stock and elected Governor in place of the 
deposed King James. Naturally his pohcy toward 
the planters was the same as that of his predecessor.^ 
Returning to eariier events. On February i6, 
1688, the Assembly was called to order, and the new 
Governor addressed them in a short speech : 

* Gentlemen, — Having received from his Maj^'^ 
the Honor and Trust of this Government, I think 
myself Obliged to doe all that in me lyes to Promote 
his Service and the Publique Interest of this Island 
which are truely Consistant ; for any separation will 
lessen his Maj''^'^ intentions towards the Incourage- 
ment of this Country and Render my Endeavours 

' To the end therefore, that this Session may End 
happily as I wish it, Lett me advise and Command 
That noe particular piques, Or Private Animositys 
may hinder the General Benefitts of this Island which 
his Maj''*^ I believe Esteems above all others in this 
Part of the World. 

' And I doe assure you that nothing on My Part 
Shall be wanting to answer those great Ends, the 

» P.R.O. Treasury, 70, vol. ci., Royal African Company, Minutes of 
the General Court meeting, Jan. 16, 1689 : ' The Court of Assistants 
desired his Highness the Prince of Orange to be Governor and for 
capacitating him thereunto presented him with 1000 pounds principal 
stock, which His Highness was pleased to accept of and promised that 
he would doe the Company all the kindness that lay in him.' 


King my Master sent mee hither for, And therefore 
Expect your Ready and Hearty concurrence with me 
(which I doe not in the least Doubt) Otherwise the 
ill Consequences that may arise from the Contrary 
must be imputed Your fTault And shall lye at your 
Doors.' ^ 

Eight days later the Council was summoned in 
haste at St. Jaco de la Vega ^ to hear tidings received 
by Albemarle from the King. A Dutch expedition 
under Lord Mordaunt threatened to attack Sir John 
Narborough and seize the wreck of the treasure ship. 
The word of alarm was sent from England. Albemarle 
in Jamaica, on fire at once, gave it as the King's 
opinion and his own, that as Commander-in-Chief he 
should go at once to the scene. The Council, less 
enthusiastic, unanimously advised the contrary, say- 
ing * That it can neither be safe for his Grace's person, 
There being noe ffrigate now in the Harbour to carry 
him thither, nor for the Government of this Island 
now under his Grace's Comand and Care.' ^ 

The Assistance, under Lawrence Wright, and the 
Duke's yacht under command of Captain Thomas 
Monck, hurried to reinforce the treasure-seekers. 
Lord Mordaunt and Sir John Narborough settled the 
matter between themselves without any serious con- 
sequences. The Dutch indeed went to the wreck, 
but left without either treasure or bloodshed. 

Meanwhile the Assembly had no intention of carry- 
ing on any business, so they were much annoyed 
when, having sent word to the Governor that they 
wished to adjourn for a long period to attend to 
their private affairs, he declined to give them more 
recess than while the General Court should be sitting. 
They were the more amazed at this turn of affairs as 

^ CO., 140 : 4, p. 195 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1635. 

* Spanish Town. 

* CO., 140 : 4, p. 193 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1640. 

298 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

the news from England to the agents of the Company 
and their creatures, many of whom sat in the Assembly, 
gave them to understand that the new Governor was 
a nonentity, and was not to be allowed any powers 
whatsoever, George Reid, writing of this very 
matter to the Bishop of London (?) from Jamaica, 
says : 

* For they never intended My Lord Duke should 
be able to do any Service here for his Maj'*^'^ or the 
Country's Good for reasons to y '"selves (themselves) 
best known.' ^ 

Before the first meeting of the Assembly, Albemarle 
had begun to act for himself. He had warmly 
espoused the cause of the planters, and to this end he 
deposed the Chief Justice Barnard and replaced him 
with Mr. Ellerson, who had formerly practised law 
in the island, but had been under some accusations 
from the late Governor Lynch. The Grand Court 
had fully exonerated him, and had issued a proclama- 
tion to that effect. The affair had been brought to 
the notice of the Privy Council in England and Colonel 
Molesworth had orders to investigate the matter. ^ 
The case had made no little stir in the island, and 
when Albemarle made Ellerson Chief Justice, the 
fires of partisanship broke forth anew. 

Colonel Bourdon, who was a member of the Council 
and an Assistant Judge of the Supreme Court, as well 
as a paid agent of the Royal African Company, passed 
hot words with the Governor and immediately re- 
signed his judgeship. Whereupon Major Penhallow 
and Lieutenant-Colonel Elmore, his fellow judges, 
followed suit. Albemarle believed that this was done 
to make it impossible to hold Court with only the new 

* CO., I : 65, p. 90 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1927, November 
7, 1688. 

* Privy Council Register, James 11., part i., March 19, i68£. 


Chief Justice and one associate, Colonel Needham, 
for Albemarle's energy when aroused would be totally 
unsuspected by these men. His next letter to the 
Lords of Trade and Plantations describes these 
events : 

* They were soon undeceived, for immediately, Mr. 
Francis Watson, Col. Ballard, Major Peak, Major 
Reeves and Mr. Knight voluntarily offered to serve 
his Majesty as Judges, which I took kindly of them 
and they with Col. Needham (who remained firm) 
were put into the Commission and the Court was 
holden on the day appointed.' 

Of Mr. EUerson he says : 

' I made choice of Mr. Ellerson because I thought 
him an honest man, an able lawyer, and one that I 
am certain will do his Maj*^*^ good service in the 
Station I have put him in.' ^ . . . 

* Upon considering the ill-consequences of Col. 
Bourdon's refusing to continue as Associate Judge, 
and that he did it so publicly and obstinately, I 
thought he deserved to receive a public correction and 
therefore on the 5th Instant (March), in Council I 
suspended him from the ofhce of Councellor, I like- 
wise dismissed Major Penhallow from his office as 
Major, but do continue him in the Commission of 
Justice of Peace, thinking that by that he may be 
Serviceable to the African Co. of which he is factor.' ^ 

Colonel Bourdon retaliated by writing to the Lords 
of Trade and Plantations to complain of his treatment. 
But the King confirmed his dismissal by recommenda- 
tion of the committee. 

Albemarle now insisted that some of the more im- 
portant bills presented to the Assembly should be 
passed. When the coinage bill came under dis- 

1 CO., I : 64, No. 30, and CO., 138 : 6, pp. 86-93 '< Cal. State Papers, 
Col., 1685-8, § 1656. Albemarle to the Lords of the Committee. 
» CO., 138 : 6, pp. 104-5. 

300 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

cussion, Mr. Ralph Knight, a member of the Assembly, 
so far forgot himself as to say in public that this 
currency bill was ' nonsense, impossible, and im- 

* His Grace then remarked " He did not much 
wonder Mr. Knight should speak such words, since 
he is informed a member of the Board (Council) 
contrary to his Oath as Councellor, has spoke very 
scandolous and reflecting words of him." And it was 
then reported under oath that Col. Sam^ Barry was 
the guilty man. He had said that " His Grace had 
not done Justice." For this he was suspended from 
the Council and the Attorney General ordered to 
prosecute him in the Grand Jury.' 

Colonel Barry was now in serious difficulties, for 
the new Chief Justice already had permission to 
prosecute him for defamation of character. Colonel 
Barry and Mr. Knight humbly apologised in writing 
next day. 

Albemarle's next letter (April i6) sent varied news 
to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. After re- 
counting the delinquencies of the Councillors and 
Assembly men, he gives an account of Lord Mordaunt 
and his attempt on the treasure ship, as well as various 
items of news relating to the business of the Gentlemen 
Adventurers. Then he tells how certain English 
ships have been seized by pirates (Biscayans) and the 
Assistance has gone to their rescue. Next he describes 
a great fight between the famous English pirates 
Yankee, Jacobs and Coxen, and a Spanish hulk in the 
Bay of Honduras. But the most noteworthy news 
is of the malcontent Assembly, and is thus recorded. 
The Assembly did very little work, 

' the major part having made it their business during 
Sessions to wrangle and disagree with the rest, and to 
oppose all things propounded them for his Majesty's 


Service and the Good of the Country, and their private 
heats growing more intolerable and being out of hopes 
of reducing them to any proper temper for business, 
having often endeavored it in vain, I thought the 
best way was to dissolve them, which I accordingly 
did on the 4th (April). I gave my consent that day 
to this Act (which was the only business perfected) 
for passing Spanish money, being satisfied it will be 
for general benefit, especially to the poorer sort of 
people here. These malcontents of the Assembly 
being sensible that they outnumber the rest would 
suffer nothing to be fairly debated in the House, but 
immediately were for putting anything to the Vote 
and consulted nothing but their own humors which 
were in direct opposition to my proposals.' . . . ' As 
soon as I have settled the officers both military and 
civil throughout the whole Island, I will order the 
choosing of another Assembly, which I hope will 
prove better disposed than the last.' -^ 

By which it will be seen that Albemarle had taken a 
leaf out of the book of his late master. King Charles 11., 
who when a Parliament proved refractory, dissolved 
it and proceeded to another election. Albemarle 
believed in the divine right of his sovereign, so, acting 
as that sovereign's representative, he conscientiously 
carried out an arbitrary rule.^ 

While this election was pending, what troubles the 
English and other peaceful merchantmen suffered 
from the Biscayans is further disclosed in Albemarle's 
letter of May 2, 1688. 

^ CO., 138 : 6, p. 109 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1705. 

^ Albemarle was not the only colonial governor who was in difficulty 
with his colonists. Welbeck MSS., June 19, Whitehall. Wilham 
Blathwayt to Sir Robert Southwell ; ' Increase Mather, Sea Born 
Cotton, etc., are come hither from Massachusetts with addresses and 
have audiences of the great ones now. And there are joint endeavors 
to supplant vSir Edmund (Andros) and discredit the Caveleros but I 
hope Sir Ed. Andros has taken such root in his Majestie's good opinion 
as to withstand some shocks.' Andros was a stockholder in the Royal 
African Company. 

302 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

' I have daily complaints from subjects that 
Biscayans who take all ships that they can overcome, 
carry them into any Spanish Port, use the men 
barbourously and cruelly and at best make them 
slaves and having Commission from the Iving of 
Spain say that no Spanish Governor in the Indies 
hath anything to do with them. 

* There are now Six English vessels taken by them 
at La Vera Cruz ; I hear that Dean the pirate is 
there. Your Lordships will find from enclosed 
dyposition, how insolent these Biscayans are. I 
desire to know his Majesties Commands as to what 
steps I may take for Suppressing them. In the mean- 
time, I will take the best means toward recovering 
these distressed Subjects that have fallen into 
Biscayan hands, who are very insufferable and have 
been complained of to me by some of the Spanish 

Genuine pirates had long been discredited, but under 
the King's own proclamation, posted by Albemarle, 
even these sinners were given a year to come into port 
and surrender to proper authority. After depositing 
a certain sum as guarantee for future good behaviour, 
they were promised no further trouble. Privateers 
and buccaneers were differently regarded. These 
always held commissions granted by Governors and 
were subject to quite different conditions, although 
they too were now proclaimed to be unlawful. Before 
this letter reached England, Sir Robert Holmes, the 
Royal Commissioner for the Suppression of Piracy, 
had sent Mr. Lynch as his deputy to the West Indies.^ 
His instructions so conflicted with Albemarle's 
authority that they were soon at swords' points. 
Lynch 's first act was to take prisoner some fifty- 
six pirates or privateers — their exact status was in 

1 CO., 13S : 6, pp. 63-7; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1602. 
Stephen Lynch : not to be mistaken for Sir Thomas Lynch, the former 

i688] PRIVATEERS 303 

question — who had Incautiously sailed into Port 
Royal harbour, having taken the proclamation in 
good faith. 

' All French,'says Albemarle in his letter of May 11, 
* except three, an Irishman, a German and a Mulatto. 
Mr. Lynch as soon as possible seized their goods and 
put them into prison and irons. This being noised 
abroad, I believe no more will venture hither on the 
same terms. Those here finding themselves mistaken 
in their hopes, have complained to me, and beg leave 
to send to jetty Guavos for their Commissions, 
(which) the French Governor there granted them. 
And further say that notwithstanding Commissions, 
they will be content to be hanged if it can be proved 
they have injured any of the Kings Subjects. I could 
not deny the petition.' ^ 

A most perplexing problem confronted the Gover- 
nor, for if these pirates produced commissions, they 
must have been granted in defiance of the Treaty of 
Peace, They could hardly be kept prisoners with- 
out giving an affront to France, a friendly power. 
Yet Lynch continually accused Albemarle of hindering 
him in his duty. A month later the privateers were 
still in prison, and Mr. Lynch sailed off to Carthagena 
on plea of other business. 

On June 20 Albemarle further writes that he has 
received the commission of the French privateers and 
a pardon from the Governor of Jetty Guavos. He is 
much concerned how to act, having strict orders from 
the King to assist Lynch, and other instructions on 
January 23 and February i from the Commissioners 
of the two Crowns, ' to take care that we do no 
hurt to the subjects of the King of France.' The 
Council's advice to him was to temporise, answer 
the French Governor civilly, and await instructions 

1 CO., 136 ; 6, pp. 118-22 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1753. 

304 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

from the King of England. To put a crowning point 
to the exasperating nature of Mr. Lynch 's conduct, 
reliable witnesses averred that Lynch had offered the 
French prisoners freedom for six pounds apiece. For 
the Deputy Commissioner, far from home, with no 
restraining hand or eye upon him, was not averse 
from adding to his private income, as have other and 
better men. 

Albemarle was obliged to report still another con- 
flict of authority, and one which affected the King of 
England in his most sensitive point. His letter of 
May 1 1 says : 

' Here a remarkable transaction (is) impudently 
carried on by a Spaniard, naturalized here, called 
Signor St. Jaco. The foreign ecleciastic Power which 
he produced from the Bishop of Cuba or Chapter of 
St. Christopher, there — I send you a copy enclosed 
and attested by St. Jaco in Council, and adjudged in 
Council to be in prejudice of his Majes^^^^ prerogative 
— and an obstruction to Father Churchill's function. 
What more followed on Churchill's complaint to me I 
send enclosed.' ^ 

In fact, the Bishop of Cuba declined to allow the 
King of England to appoint a priest in Jamaica, which 
island he chose to consider under his ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction. Before many weeks had passed. Father 
Churchill was obliged to sail for England with what 
grace he could. He and Albemarle had become fast 
friends in these few months, and he returned to 
England the especial advocate of the planters' party 
against the adherents of the Royal African Company. 
The island revolters congratulated themselves upon 
having a representative who could be counted upon 
to have the ear of the King, never dreaming what 
changes the next six months would bring forth. 

1 CO., 136 : 6, pp. 118-22; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1753. 


Meantime Albemarle had attempted further reforms 
among the island officials. 

' I have removed the Attorney General and Provost 
Marshall who lys under a great many crimes besides 
this last, and the Attorney Gen^ has not only acted 
contrary to my command but like a knave to his 

Truth to tell, Albemarle had come to Jamaica with 
every intention of becoming a good Governor. As a 
staunch upholder of the Stuart dynasty, he believed 
in the absolute monarchy with the intensity of a 
bigot. He felt himself the King's representative with 
all seriousness, and ruled with energy in single- 
hearted despotism. Perhaps he never grasped the 
fact that no one in England, much less King James, 
desired to free the Colony from the tyranny of the 
Royal African Company. His was not a subtle 
mind, and the idea that he was to shut his eyes 
to what it was inexpedient to see never occurred 
to him. 

In his Island Government there was little or no 
congenial society. Did he consort with the planters 
(late buccaneers) Morgan and his circle ? It was 
no more than the King his master had done at 
Whitehall and at Windsor. Fancy the tales 
these men could relate of hairbreadth escapes, 
treasures trove, and burning cities ! Who would 
not listen late into the tropic night to such tales 
of gold and adventure ? If, while he listened, 
the Duke drank too deep of good Madeira wine, 
few at Whitehall could safely point the finger of 

The Duchess, not wishing to be forgotten at Court, 
sent presents of tropic fruits to the Queen and the 
maids of honour. Toward midsummer, the mail- 
bag from London brought some replies that we may 

3o6 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

be sure were eagerly read by this exiled lady. M. 
Crag (?) writes May 12 (1688) : 

* Your letter, my dearest Duchess, I received with 
great joy, since it brought me the good news of your 
health, and the Duke's. You have not an humble 
servant in the world truly loves and honours you more 
than I do ; I must quarrel your letter was so Short, 
and had no particulars in it. The Queen asked me 
a thousand questions of how liked.' (This expres- 
sion still lingers in some parts of New England.) ' I 
was not slow in telling her Majesty your letter was 
filled with nothing but duty and landness to her 
Majesty, which she received with great pleasure, but 
showed trouble you had not sent her word how the 
place agreed with you and the Duke. I told her 
Majesty you had sent her a present of jacolet (choco- 
late) which She said she must taste for your sake ; 
but hearing nothing of it since, I sent to Mr. Phillips 
(sic) to inquire after it, to know when a ship went, 
that I might pay my duty to you. 

' As to the jacolet, it is not to be heard of, but I 
would not omit the first opportunity to let you know 
that, blessed be God, the Queen ^ is much better 
than she has been in health, but so cruel as to leave 
this nation in July or August next. I cannot give 
you any particular account who goes or stays in 
this ; only for certain my Lady Fingaull is named to 
go ; but I believe I and my neice Widderington will 
go to stay with her Majesty in Portugal, for I will 
never quit her so long as I live, if she will accept my 
service. The Queen ^ hath given us many frights 
but God be thanked, is very well. . . . 

' All your family is well. Lord Tennit (Thanet) 
and his Lady (Katherine Cavendish) was in town 
lately, and very well ; You know Mr. Boule (?) is 
married to Mrs. Noel and Lord Cleford to My Lady 
Arrathusay Bartley ; he is so fond a husband we 
never see him now at Court. My Lady Manchester 
is also married to Mr. Montague, and having so 

^ Catherine, widow of Charles ii. 
^ Mary of Modena, wife of James ii. 


young a husband she cannot choose but look very 
briskly. Lord Cavendish is to marry Lord Russell's 
daughter, and My Lord Bedford's daughter is to 
marry My Lord Strafford. My Lord Salsbury is 
become the best husband in the world, and also a 
good Catholic ; I wish I could hear the same good news 
of you and your Lord, for nobody loves you better. 

'P.S.—My Lord Mordon (Mordaunt) went with 
four ships to Seek Gold, but Narborow would not 
admit him ; the last hath sent home five thousand 
pound, which will not half pay his Charges, but hopes 
to get much more. I grieve your Duke did not leave 
ships there when the firs (sic) came away ; if he had 
he had got enough.' ^ 

This letter shows that neither the Duke nor Duchess 
of Albemarle had become a Roman Catholic, or this 
maid of honour of Queen Catherine's would not hope 
so strongly for their conversion. 

(Mrs. ?) B. Strickland writes to the Duchess, 
May 28 (1688), also from Whitehall : 

* My dear Duchess did me great justice in believing 
I should be much pleased to hear of your safe arrival 
in Jamake, which upon my word I was so trans- 
ported at as I could not sleep for joy. ... I have 
been hindered from writing to your Grace sooner by 
misfortunes ; first, my having the Smallpox ; next 
the death of one of my boys of a fever, and thirdly, 
the illness of him that hath the honour to be your 
Godson. . . . I made your comphment to the Queen, 
who was extreme glad to hear of your being so well, 
and ordered me to tell you so, and that she should 
be glad to hear from you. I also told my Lady 
Sunderland, who I suppose has writ long Since to 
give thanks. I also told Lady Tennet (Thanet) and 
others that you had them often in your thoughts. 
I found a great many was very glad to hear your 
Grace was got so well past that long journe}^ The 
Queen is now ill of a great cold. . . . The Duchess 

^ Hist. MSS. Com., 15^/1 Report, Buccleuch MSS., p. 347. 

308 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

of Monmouth ^ last night kissed the King and Queen's 
hands upon her marriage to Lord Cornwellis (sic), 
and is very brisk. The Duchess of Porthmouth (sic) 
is come into England, and looks as well as ever. But 
the greatest piece of news of all is that (the) Queen 
Dowager has altered her mind, and does not now go 
her Lisbon voyage, which all people thinks her much 
in the right for. 

* (P.S.) — Since your Grace was so obliging as to say 
you sent me some jacolet, I will tell you the truth, 
that I never had it, but I give as many thanks as if 
I had it. I wish I could find out by what hand it 
was sent, because I had told the Queen of it. I am 
sure who(m)s(o)ever you trusted, he is an ill man, 
that has so deceived you. Mr. Strickland presents 
his most humble service to your Grace, and is in- 
finitely pleased to hear you are so well.' ^ 

The Duke received about the same time a letter 
from his old neighbour, Thomas, Lord Petre of 
Ingatestone Hall : 

' INGOTZTON Hall, /line 19, 1688. 

' I am sorry it was my misfortune not to wait on 
your Grace just before you left England. I being 
then in my journey from the bath : I understand by 
Mr. Croft and Mr. Tendring that you have your 
health very well since your arrivall in Jamaica : for 
which I heartily rejoyse and hope to see you in some 
few months att New Hall. Captain Petre, Jac Petre 
of fidlers his brother, who I suppose has waited on 
your Grace, ere this desires only your favorable 
Countenance which, if your Grace, as I hope, will 
not refuse, he is most confident, will prove a consider- 
able advantage to him. ... I will troble y"" grace noe 
further then to desier you to give mine and my spouses 
most humble servis to my lady Duches. I remain Your 
grace's most obedient servant Tho: Petre.* 

(Addressed) * To the Duke of Albermale ' (sic).^ 

* Widow of the Duke of Monmouth. 

* Hist. MSS. Com., i^th Report, Buccleuch MSS., p. 348. 

' Montagu House MSS. Thomas, sixth Lord Petre, to Christopher, 
Duke of Albemarle. 


The new Assembly from which so much was hoped 
was not elected without much opposition and even 
rioting. The old members were mostly defeated. 
The ousted party insisted that violence had been 
used at the polls to prevent them from voting. Albe- 
marle reports that these complainants were the worst 

* There was unwarrentable opposition made in 
most parishes, and malicious practices to prevent the 
lawful Election by persons disaffected to his Maj*'^'^ 
Government here, especially at Clarendon where a 
certain man whom I could not suspect in such case, 
Col. Ivy, did with several others make a public riot, 
for which I committed them to prison.' ^ 

Many arrests followed, and the list of fines is a long 
one. Rioting was not the only objectionable prac- 
tice on this occasion. In the list we note ; 

* John Towers for speakeing Lattin vizt. : " Solus 
Populi est Suprema Lex " being in ye judgment of ye 
Court, Factious and Seditious — 600 pounds.' 2 

The first meeting was made memorable by the 
delivery of an opening speech to the Governor by 
the new Speaker, who was no other than Chief 
Justice EUerson. We quote his opening sentences : 

* His late Grace of Albemarle (Gen^ Geo. Monck) 
guided and assisted by the Devine hand, drew the 

1 CO., 138 : 6, p. 159 ; Cal. State Papers, Col, 1685-8, § 1858. August 
8, 1688, Albemarle to the Lords of the Committee. 

2 CO., I : 65, No. 45 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1858. 



lively emblem of a Second Creation by reducing a 
Twelve years' confused State and Govern^ of England 
to its ancient and ever to be esteemed and praised 
Royall Authorit}^ and Power and was most instru- 
mental in Settling the same upon the best and surest 
foundations of Peace and Happiness. 

' Our most Gracious Sovereign King James the 
Second (to whom God grant a long and happy reign 
over us) hath in his great wisdom and tenderness of 
us, his Loyal, Dutiful and Obedient Subjects, con- 
stituted your Grace (to the great and general satis- 
faction of this Island) our Governor, whose accept- 
ance thereof cannot otherwise be thought of here 
than your own inclinations to and firm resolutions 
of treading the Steps of your truly noble father, by 
your doing the greatest good in your generation and 
in particular by your recouvery of the dwindhng, 
decaying, and at present sinking State and Condition 
of this his Maj"^'^ Island of Jamaica, to its former 
Loyalty, Strength and Vigor whereby we in our 
Generation are not only bound heartily and constantly 
to pray for the Peace and Prosperity of your Grace 
and Family, but to convey it to our Children's 
Children, for there (sic) due acknowledgment and 

' Let Peace and Prosperity be forever within your 
Walls and Plenty within your Dwellings.' ^ 

The Duke's reply was brief but trenchant, and was 
aimed at the centre of the island's political differences : 

' I am glad,' said he, ' to find the country so sensible 
that it chose ill men for the last Assembly. I promise 

1 CO., I : 65, p. 30; Cal. State Papers, Col, 1685-8, § 1845. Open- 
ing of the new Assembly, July 20, 1688. The Speaker's speech to the 
Duke of Albemarle. CO., i : 65, p. 490; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685- 
8, § 1846. Observations from Jamaica upon the Speaker's speech. 
A copy of this speech was sent to England. To this copy have been 
added a list of accusations against the Speaker. The author's name 
is not mentioned. The accusations include friendly relations with 
pirates, being an adherent of Sir Henry Morgan, opposition to the 
revenue bill, general unfriendliness to the Royal African Company, 
Colonel Molesworth, and the late Governor Sir Thomas Lynch. 


myself better things from you. You cannot be 
ignorant of the many wicked and mahcious reports 
spread abroad by ill-disposed persons, to make me 
odious to the people to gain their own ends at the 
elections. The proposals I have to make to you are 
given to you written down.' ^ 

Albemarle gave a detailed report of the first meeting 
of the Assembly in his letter of August 8 : 

*Jamca, Aug. ye Zih, 1688. 

' My Lords, — Since my last to yo"" Lo?^ bearing 
date the 20th day of June last, the Assembly met the 
20th of July and finished more business in (the) two 
weeks they have Sate than the last did in two months, 
soe that I doubt not but His Maj^'^'^ Royal Pleasure 
will be more readily complied with than ever in this 
Island hath been heretofore, being most of them 
persons of known loyalty and integrity.' ^ 

He then recounts the titles and character of the Bills 
already passed, in accordance with the King's six 
proposals by the new Assembly. A complete account 
of these Bills is given, under a later date, in the 
Colonial Order Book. The following list is copied 
from the later source instead of from Albemarle's 
letter : 

* I, An Act for better Government of Slaves. 

* 2. An Act for raising money for Solliciting in 
England the Affairs of Jamaica.^ 

' 3. An Act for Accertaining the Qualification of 

* 4. An Act to Incourage and fecilitate the 
conversion of Slaves to the Christian Religion * 

1 CO., I : 65, No. 29; Cal. State Papers, Col, 1685-8, § 1844. The 
Duke of Albemarle's speech, July 20, 1688. 

» CO., 138 : 6, No. 29 ; Cal. State Papers, Col, 1685-8, § 1858. 
August 1688. 

* Heretofore the agents of the Royal African Company had acted in 
like capacity for the island. 

* Many masters refused baptism to their slaves, holding that the 
fact of baptism gave freedom to the slave. 

312 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

and for preventing inhuman Severity to Christian 

* 5. An Act for regulating the weight and valuation 
of foreign coins and accertaining Interest.^ 

* 6. An Act for the better restraining and more 
severe punishment of perjury and subornation of 
perjury and false swearing. 

' 7. 'An Act for raising a Public Revenue to the King, 
his heirs and Successors for the support and Govern- 
ment of his Maj*'^'^ Island.' ^ 

These Acts passed by Albemarle's second Assembly 
have been dwelt upon in detail because they are 
spoken of in all the accounts of his administration 
as being pernicious in character. Nothing could be 
more unobjectionable than this list of laws. Due 
allowance must be given to the heat of political strife 
when many exaggerations are published. At such a 
moment all the acts of an opposing party are declared 
to be detrimental to the country and aimed to serve 
selfish ends. Between the two parties in Jamaica 
there may have been little to choose. Both were 
turbulent and unmanageable, each strove to establish 
its power primarily to serve selfish ends. However, 
it is not easy to see how fault could be found with the 
Acts passed by this Assembly. 

Albemarle had made one more change in his Council, 
Mr. John White— 

' for several reasons but principally because he pleaded 
for the most part as a Lawyer doth for his Fee against 
His Majes^"^^ Interest 'whenever such happen 'd to 
come before us in Council and that it has been made 
appear to mee that he was a pensioner to St. Jaco de 

» This would particularly refer to Monmouth's rebels, many of whom 
had been shipped to the West Indies and sold. 

* This act raised the value of pieces of eight from five shillings to six, 
thereby causing great dissatisfaction to the Royal African Company. 

» CO., 138 : 6, p. 296; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8: 294-5. At 
the Court at Whitehall, July 25, 1689. 

i688] STEPHEN LYNCH 313 

Castello,'^ a Spanish merchant to plead for him as 
well in Council (where the said White was a member) 
as in any other place, let the business bee of what 
nature or quality soever.' 

This scandal concerning White is confirmed later 
in the year in a letter of George Reid to Father 
Churchill, together with other accusations against 
St. Jaco, interesting but too complicated for the 
present purpose. The planters' party also rejoiced 
in the appointment * by his Maj^'^'^ order ' of the 
admired Sir Henry Morgan to the Council. * I am 
afraid (he) will not live long being extraordinary ill,* 
says Albemarle. 

The affairs of the French pirates had become so 
involved that Mr. Lynch was reported to be himself 
in jail together with his captives, who from their 
prison had sworn out warrants against him. This 
was the story Mr. Lynch sent to England. Albemarle 
does not mention arresting Lynch, and George Reid, 
in one of his letters to Father Churchill, says that 
Lynch wilfully sent a false statement to England, and 
adds that he was never put in jail. 

Albemarle received letters from the King giving 
him power to fight Biscayans according to his own 
judgment. As a result of Lynch 's stories, a memor- 
andum was attached to the letter informing the 
Governor that Sir Robert Holmes (whose agent 
Lynch was) — 

' prays for his Majesty's pardon for all of them 
(the pirates) and that Lynch may receive Letters of 
Protection with orders to the Governor of Jamaica 
that he may be discharged from his imprisonment. 
Bonds or confinement, he may lye under being ready 
to answer his Maj^'^, what is objected against 

* The same Spaniard who had caused Father Churchill's removal. 

314 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

But before this could reach Jamaica, Albemarle had 

* Several English privateers surrendered themselves 
to His Maj^'^'^ Government of Bermudas according to 
His Maj*^^'^ Royal Proclamation, who treated them 
accordingly to the tenor thereof, and being dis- 
charged part came down to this Island, where by Mr. 
Lynch's Agent, their goods were seised, and soon after 
their persons who are now in Port Royal Goale.' ^ 

The dispute as to authority between Albemarle and 
Lynch had now reached an acute stage. Lynch 
appeared at the Council Board and announced that 
he was under no obligation to report to the Governor, 
nor — 

* y* any accounts of what he doth but to write to 
Whitehall so that all are rendered obnoxious to his 
private accohipt of affairs.* 

George Reid's opinion of the matter is thus expressed : 

' Sir Robe't Holmes's deputy here, one Mr, Lynch 
makes things mighty uneasy (Siding with the discon- 
tents). ... It is thought he will give the country 
trouble enough and cause more privateers to go out, 
than come in. Whereas had Command ben granted the 
Duke, all those that are now out would have upon his 
word (on his Hon'" [honour]) have come in, and now 
they plainly see, its money designed to be got by 
their coming in that's intended, which I wish with 
all my heart were rectified. This way making the 
French strong and we weak.' ^ 

The great pirate Captain Coxon and some of his 
men salved their pride by surrendering to Albemarle 
personally, and were by him handed over to Lynch. 

^ CO., I : 65 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1802. Albemarle 
to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. 

' CO., I : 65, No. 90 ; Cal. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1947. 
George Raid to Father Churchill, December 4, 1688. 


For the Governor was well known among sea rovers. 
Preserved in the British Museum are several books 
of maps of voyages in the then mysterious Pacific. 
They are beautifully coloured, and the title-pages 
show the arms of the Duke of Albemarle, and a dedi- 
cation to him by the Captains B. Sharpe, Hack, and 
Cox. The Duke owes to these men, who combined 
the vocation of explorer with that of pirate, a per- 
petuation of his name in the western world. In the 
Pacific Ocean, lying directly over the Equator, are 
several islands known as the Galapagos group. The 
largest of these was named by Cox, Albemarle. 
Pictured in William Ambrose Crowley's Voyages, 
its bays and points bear many familiar names, Eliza- 
beth, Christopher, Potheridge, Cavendish. With two 
London streets and a public-house, this island serves 
to keep alive the name of the second Duke of 

^ Where the name of Albemarle appears in the Carolinas and 
Virginia it celebrates the memory of George Monck. 


During the first months of Albemarle's administra- 
tion the dismal prophecies of his physicians seemed in 
no danger of fulfilment. Dr. Sloane was a physician 
much in advance of his time, and successfully pre- 
scribed for his patient. In spite of the frequent 
bleedings, upon which Albemarle insisted in the face 
of Dr. Sloane's objections, he was in better health 
than he had been in several years. 

* But,' says Dr. Sloane, * upon the occasion of 
choosing a new Assembly (he) had frequently too 
much company, he sometimes sate up too late and 
drank too freely whereby he in a short time had in 
one of his leggs a great pain.' 

On this Dr. Sloane felt it his duty to warn his un- 
manageable patient that if he did not take warning 
he would * fall into his father the Gene^'^ distemper, 
the dropsy.' ^ Less competent advisers assured the 
Duke that he was suffering from erysipelas. 

The Duke was more than usually deaf to advice. 
The quarrel with Lynch had greatly irritated and 
excited him. The tropical summer, spent in the 
brick Government House, ^ had sapped his vitality, 
while the change from his accustomed sherry to 
Madeira wine had affected him badly. He now went 
to spend a few days at Old Harbour at the invitation 

^ Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS. 3984, fos. 282-4. ' Account of the 
Illness and Death of Christopher, Duke of Albemarle.' 

' CO., 140 : 4, p. 708 (not calendared). The repairs on the King's 
House had been completed in March 1688, at a cost of ;^I92, i6s. 8d. 


of Sir Francis Watson ^ and Major Peaks, * where 
meeting with much company he had occasion to make 
merry too much, and to sit up too late at night.' ^ 

The joyous hospitaHty of Sir Francis and the Major 
resulted in an entire justification of the physician's 
warnings. On his return to town, the Duke became 
so violently ill with his * usual jaundice ' as to be 
* given over by the Doctors.' ^ 

Despite the fears of his physicians, he surprised his 
household by surviving. At the end of six days, as 
Captain Wright records. Port Royal was gay with 
rejoicings over the Duke's unexpected recover3^ The 
forts and frigates fired salutes, and though it was 
August ' at night there was several bon-fires.' * 
Three days later came a ship from London bearing 
the joyful news of the birth of a Prince of Wales.^ 
These tidings called for more guns, bonfires, and re- 
joicing for the greater part of another night. The 
official letter to Albemarle announced in stately 
periods the birth of ' A hopeful Son,' and gave orders 
to * proclaim the event throughout the government 
and to proclaim days of solemn thanksgiving for this 
inestimable blessing,' and suitable rejoicings as he 
himself should think fit. The more formal celebration 
was postponed, not only to allow the Governor a 
chance to recuperate his strength, but because the 
island was suddenly cast into mourning. 

Albemarle's fears for Sir Henry Morgan were well 
founded. Two days after this good news was received 
from the King, the old buccaneer passed away, sur- 

^ Sir Francis Watson had an especial claim to Albemarle's friendship, 
' having spent near forty years in the publick service under the Lord 
Genl. Monck and their Majties where I enjoyed very honorable 

=* Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS. 3984, fos. 2S2-4. ' Account of the Ill- 
ness and Death of the Duke of Albemarle.' 

^ Log-book of the A ssistance. * Ibid. 

* James, called the Old Pretender, was born June 16, 1688. 

3i8 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

rounded by an odour of sanctity for which the story of 
his Hfe Httle prepares us. After lying in state at the 
King's House in Port Royal, the town which had so 
often celebrated his triumphal returns from success- 
ful ventures, his body was ' brought to the Church and 
after a sermon was carried to the Pallasaudors and 
there buried.' ^ 

Dr. Sloane improved the sad occasion by reminding 
the Duke that ' Sir Henry Morgan, who was lately 
dead of dropsey, had not been so ill six months ago,' 
and that if he did not obey instructions he * was afraid 
he would have the same end.' ^ This was advice 
which the Duke did not rehsh, and, to Dr. Sloane's 
indignation. Dr. Traphan, a local practitioner, was 
called in consultation, who recommended the patient 
to remove to Ligaunee for a change of air. Thither, 
in accordance with this advice, the ducal party be- 
took themselves. They were entertained by Chief 
Justice Ellerson, the prolix Speaker of the Assembly, 
at his plantation. Rain every day spoiled the visit, 
and the sick Duke derived little benefit or pleasure 
from the excursion. On his return to St. Jaco de la 
Vega he found the weather unbearably hot. In 
September the sea breeze failed, while terrific thunder- 
storms shook the nerves, and gnats and mosquitoes 
annoyed. But in spite of discomfort and illness, the 
celebration in honour of the birth of the Prince of 
Wales could no longer be postponed. 

No record of this entertainment has been found, but 
if it resembled the celebration given by the Governor 
of Bermuda, we cannot wonder that its consequences 
were disastrous. 

* The Governor drank seven Royal healths in two 

* Log-book of the Assistance. 

* Sloane MSS. 3984, fos. 282-4. ' Account of the Illness and Death 
of the Duke of Albemarle.' 


central places amid regimental volleys from the foot 
guards and universal acclamation of huzzas,' and then 
as a climax : * A most magnificent entertainment 
such as the present state of the West Indies never 
saw and the future will admire. At the head of every 
Company was set a quarter of a cask of wine, meat, 
bread, and all necessaries for two thousand people 
besides five hundred gentlemen at one table 250 feet in 
length, entertained at the Governor's expense. The 
ladies and other persons of Quality had Sweetmeats 
the best that Europe and the West Indies afford. 
At last a bon-fire of stupendous heigth being erected 
at the Court Gate, the Governor, as a fresh patern of 
loyalty, again drank the whole Royal Families healths, 
the whole Island with guns, fire-works, and voices 
echoing after him, " God save the King and Royal 

* Sometime after his (Albemarle's) return from 
Legaunee,' says Sloane, * making merry on the 
occasion of the Prince of Wales his birth, he was 
taken with his usual jaundice.' 

The Duke's case now proved desperate. The 
usual remedies failing. Dr. Traphan was again called 
in, * As one who understood the country diseases 
having lived there several years.* 

* He came in the morning before day, His Grace 
being asleep. I told him his Grace's condition and 
what I had given him, and when his Grace had 
affirmed it, advised him to take a grain of Bird Pepper 
in a potched egg, affirming parrots to flye to this as 
to a naturel remedy and that it was very necessary 
for everyone to take it in this climate.' 

Strangely enough, Sloane, from the first, had attri- 
buted the Duke's attacks of illness to his suscepti- 
bility to certain phases of the moon, so that he entirely 
disagreed with Dr. Traphan 's diagnosis. He continues : 

* I decHned quarrelling with him. Thought my 

» Cat. State Papers, Col., 1685-8, § 1876 ii. 

320 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

case hard enough in that I was blamed by some for 
want of success when his Grace would not take 

In spite of bird pepper, and bleeding, burning, and 
cutting, the Duke improved once more. On October i 
he had sufficient strength to write a letter to Lord 
Craven : 

^ October \ (1688). 

' My Lord, — Inclosed I have sent y*" Ld'P a parti- 
cular of what Acts have passed the Assembly of this 
Island by Which y*" Ld^P will find, that I have used 
my best endeavors to effect all that his Maj^'^ has 
been pleased|to commanded (sic) me to observe in his 
Instructions in doing of which (y"" L^^^p need not be 
informed) that it is impossible for me to please all, 
therefore shall not trouble your L^^p with particulars 
but refer you to my letter to the Lords of the Com- 
mittee, in which y'" Ldsh? will plainly see, that I have 
made it my chiefest care to prefer the Service of the 
King, my Master, and the general good of the people 
of this Island, before any other consideration what- 
soever, which I look upon (in the Station I am in) to 
be a Duty incumbent upon me, I am further to 
acquaint y'" LdshP that I have been so very ill, that 
my Physicians utterly dispaired of my Recovery, 
having applied their severest and last remedys, not 
with standing which, it has pleased God to restore 
me, and when I grow a little stronger shall give y*" 
LdshP a more particular and I hope more satisfactory 
account of his Maj*'^'^ affairs in this Island, in the 
meantime I shall say no farther but I desire that y"^ 
LdshP will be pleased to present my most humble 
Duty to His Maj^'^, wishing Your Ldsh? all imagin- 
ary happiness I am, My Lord, Your Lordships Most 
Obliged Friend and humble Servant, 

' Albemarle. 

* Since Mr. Lynch 's return from Porta Bella his 
behavior to me and to the Council has been most in- 
solent, and had he not been deputed from his Maj"= 
as he is, I should not have failed to have given him a 


deserved correction ; I do assure Y"^ LdshP that I can 
make it appear that his ill management has been 
above 100,000 pounds detriment to this Island already, 
and what more it will prove God knows. The great 
Pirate Coxon with Several of his men surrendered 
themselves to me, whom I sent to Mr. Lynch as I 
have done all others before. This comes to y"" LdshP 
by the hands of Major Ralph Knight, who is one of 
the Assembly sent on purpose by them to his Maj^'®.' ^ 

In pursuance of the Act of the Assembly, Major Ralph 
Knight was chosen to go to England. He was to 
bear with him the seven Acts passed by the Assembly 
for royal confirmation, and also an address to the 
King from the planters reciting their grievances, 

* Complaining of many practices and abuses done 
to his planters by the Factors of the Royal African 
Company and particularly of many corruptions and 
oppressions done and committed by Col. Hender 
Molesworth in the time of his late Government, who 
then was and ... is still Chief Factor of the said 
Company.' - 

While Major Knight tarried, waiting for a ship, to 
the dismay of all the Duke grew rapidly worse. His 
day of recovery had proved to be but the last bright 
flicker of the flame. He now fell into a violent 
delirium in spite of every remedy that could be used 
in so desperate a moment. 

Where was the Duchess, where were Mr. Latton 
and those other faithful servants ? No record gives 
a glimpse of what was passing about this tragic bed- 
side. Dr. Sloane, true to his theory of sinister lunar 
influence, abruptly draws the curtain : * The moon's 
aspect being far from Change,' he explains, * so that 
before then he dyed.' 

1 CO., I : 65, No. 61 ; Cal. State Papers, Col, 1685-8, § 1890. 
* But one small shipload of negroes landed in Jamaica during 
Albemarle's administration. 

322 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

Thus, on October 6, 1688, died Christopher, second 
and last Duke of Albemarle, in the thirty-sixth year 
of his life, far from all that made life good to him ; the 
reforms he had tried to accomplish in Jamaica left 
unfinished and ready to fall into chaos. Misrepre- 
sented at home, no opportunity was given him for 
explanations. The change of kings, coming as it 
did so soon after his death, put all those friends and 
adherents who would have defended his name out of 
favour and power. Lord Bath, the Duke of New- 
castle, and Father Churchill were too devoted to Kjng 
James to have the ear of King William. Lord Danby 
was too busy pushing his own fortunes and planning 
affairs of State to remember a dead friend in far 
Jamaica. So it was not so much the ' Malice of the 
Whigs ' as the neglect of his friends that has left 
Albemarle's name in all but oblivion. 

Dr. Sloane's duties were not yet completed. With 
the versatility with which all classes in the seven- 
teenth century seem to have been endowed, he pro- 
ceeded to act as embalmer, and successfully prepared 
the body for its return to England. It was well Major 
Knight had tarried. He could now be entrusted 
with the task of informing the King that his island of 
Jamaica was without a Governor. In the swift sail- 
ing sloop Dove, chartered from Sir William Phips, the 
Major started immediately for England with his 
news.^ He reached London November 28, and found 
the Court in a strange mood. The Prince of Orange 
had landed in England on November 5 at Torbay, and 
the courtiers looked strangely at each other and 
darkly weighed the chances of the future. 

The messenger from Jamaica found Bernard 

^ CO., 140 : 4, p. 245 (not calendared) : ' Ordered the Receiver GenI, 
to pay ;^3oo for the hire of the Sloop Dove . . . sent to England by 
order of the Governor and Council to give notice to his Majtie of the 
Duke's death.' 


Grenville lounging about an ante-room of Whitehall 
talking with his friends, and to this group imparted 
the story of the Duke of Albemarle's death. * Here 's 
a great windfall for My Lord of Bath,' whispered one 
courtier to another. Mr. Courtney of the Temple 
congratulated Mr. Grenville on what he would have 
thereby, and offered him, in a sporting spirit, £5000 
for what he would get. Whitehall took its bereave- 
ments lightly.^ 

The King had such grave matters to consider that 
the grievances of a few Jamaica planters could be 
quickly dismissed. As the Duke of Albemarle was 
dead, the matter should quickly be adjusted in a 
way to please the Royal African Company. On 
December i the King issued an order cancelling all 
laws passed in Jamaica since the Duke of Albe- 
marle's installation as Governor. All offices, civil 
and military, were restored to the men who held 
them prior to the Duke's coming. Hender Moles- 
worth, fortunately for him still in England, was 
straightway knighted and made Governor. ^ When 
these orders reached Jamaica, the inhabitants could 
not believe them true. Yet true they were, and in 
bitterness of spirit the Council's secretary wrote in 
large letters under the note announcing King James's 
flight and King William's accession : 

' Sic Transit Gloria Mundi.' 

King William only confirmed his predecessor's 
edicts with regard to Jamaica. Fate, however, 
arranged one small revenge for Albemarle's wrongs. 
Sir Hender Molesworth died before he could leave 
England for his Government, and Lord Inchiquin 

1 Chan. Proc, Reynardson, vol. 426, No. 9. Answers of the Hon. 
Bernard Grenville, Esq. 

2 Cat. State Papers, Col., 1685-8 and 1689-92. See index under Moles- 
worth. Hist. MSS. Com., 11th Report, p. 239 (Dartmouth MSS.). 

324 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

finally received the Governorship. In due time he 
reached Jamaica. His first letter to the Lords of the 
Committee should have given some peace to Albe- 
marle's unquiet spirit. He wrote that he found 
matters in Jamaica far worse than he had imagined 
while in England, and on investigation had decided 
that the mischiefs proceed not, as he once thought, 

* some late transactions but from a series [sic] of fifteen 
or sixteen year standing of turbulent and pernicious 
advises which I am persuaded would put all into un- 
quenchable flames here had (it) not (been for) ye 
prudence of some Governos. . . . And since it has 
been so long taking root, your h'^^P will not wonder if 
I work not so sudden a cure as might be wished for.' ^ 

In the hands of Lord Inchiquin the affairs of 
Jamaica must rest, that we may return to the autumn 
of 1688 to find the Duchess of Albemarle mourning 
for her dead lord. 

^ Cal. State Papers, Col., i68g-g2. See index under William O'Brien, 
Earl of Inchiquin, July 6, 1690. 


The death of the Duke left the poor Duchess in a sea 
of trouble, and with no one upon whom she could 
depend for counsel and protection. Even Captain 
Monck^ was, for the moment, out of reach, having 
taken the Duke's yacht to Boston for repairs. Owing 
to political differences, the island was in a state of 
almost armed rebellion, and from the moment of the 
Duke's death the unruly element was under but sHght 
restraint. The story of the Duke's great treasure, 
which all men lounging about the port had seen 
coming into harbour month by month, caught the 
ears of the pirates and freebooters. The Duchess 
and her gold and silver ingots lay unguarded in the 
King's House an easy prey to daring men. Picture, 
then, the terror of the lady who, surrounded by 
her possessions, beheld some of the most notorious 
buccaneers all but camped about her house ready to 
secure her person and her riches at the first oppor- 
tunity. In this crisis the loyal Assembly ralHed as 
one man to the support of their * Disconsolate Prin- 
cess.' 2 These hardy, stern-visaged men, standing as 
they did accused of sharp practices, disloyalty, and 
even deeds of bloodshed, now gave themselves up to 
a very ecstasy of chivalric devotion to their bereaved 
Duchess. On learning of her danger, the mihtia, 
abandoning all other duties, rushed to her rescue, and 

^ See p. 64. 

* CO., 140 : I, pp. 249-52 ; Cat. State Papers, 1685-8, § 1944, 
Dec. 6, 1688, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica. 


326 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

under loyal officers, continued to guard her day and 
night for many months. They even accompanied her 
to Guanaboa, whither she and her goods were pre- 
sently moved. For the health of the Duchess, already 
impaired by the tropical climate, suffered greatly from 
the shock caused by the death of the Duke, and 
it was thought wise to remove her from the King's 
House. The Duchess was not lacking in gratitude. 
She wrote to the Council expressing her thanks for 
their care : 

* The debt is so great,' said she, ' that I can find no 
other way of repayment but that one Act of generosity 
begetts another by rewarding itself, and it will en- 
courage all others to leave their country to imitate 
my good fortune.' ^ 

This message was received by the Council with 
mediaeval fervour. Summoning the Assembly, the 
Acting Governor assured them that as a reward for 
their care, ' he was well assured . . . that when her 
Grace came to England (she) would endeavor to 
do this Island all the good she could.' And the de- 
lighted Assembly informed his Honour ' That they 
could do no less than they had for so disconsolate a 
Princess and in Memory of My Late Lord Duke.' ^ 

Letters addressed to the Duke continued to arrive 
from England. One written by the King was full of 
angry remonstrance of what had been represented to 
him as interference with the rights of Sir Robert 
Holmes and of the agent Lynch. Such a letter would 
have cut the loyal Albemarle to the heart, and he was 
mercifully dead before its receipt. With this came 
orders counselling watchfulness against the Dutch, 
from whom the King now feared an invasion . Another 

1 CO., 140 : I, pp. 249-52 ; Cat. State Papers, 1685-8, § 1944, Dec. 6, 
1688, Minutes of the Council of Jamaica. 
» Ibid. 


letter from Father Churchill reported his success at 
Court, all unknowing what had occurred in far 

«^^&er i5«A, '88. 

* My Lord, — These I hope will finde your Grace 
in perfect health and well recovered past dainger of 
anie Relaps ; ten weekes I was at Sea and I landed at 
Falston neare Hide in Kent October 15th ; the 17th 
I got to London, the eighteenth I presented his 
Maj^'^ with the mappes, W'^ the Minutes of the 
Councell and the Sealed Evidence, and the Address 
of Your Grace, the Councell and the Assembly ; his 
Maj^'^ received me verie gratiously and his afflicted 
minde cleared up w'^ pleasing Smile and Sweetness 
to hear of your recovery. The Mappes he reserved 
to himself ; the Minutes of the Councell and sealed 
papers he commanded me according to My directions 
to deliver into the handes of Mr. Blathwaite, and the 
Address returned to me with commands that I should 
present myself w*^ it the next morning at his Levie 
publickly, w'^^ accordingly I did, in the presence of 
Mr. Brent and Mr. Bendlos. 

* His Maj''^ thanked me for it and promised me it 
should be printed, this was on Friday, October 19th, 
but finding it came not out on Monday, nor on 
Thursday, following, I repayred again to his Maj''^ 
who gave this answer to me : I have sent it to be 
printed : hereupon I went to Mr. Minstephens and 
questioned him why it was not printed, who made 
this Reeply, that till Tuesday he did not receive it 
from My Lord Sunderland, that on Thursday the 
reception of our Embasador at the Turkish Court 
filled up the Gazet, but on Munday it should be 
printed. On Munday he and the Lord Sunderland 
were out of Office. I got therefore Mr. Brent to get 
the Address out of the Office to have it printed the 
next Gazet day ; he did so and complemented the 
next Secretary of State w^^ it, the Lord Middleton, 
who refused to print it, because it had not the Island's 
seale nor the Addressor's subscriptions to it, and be- 
cause it reflected upon former Governors he looked 
upon it as a private paper onlie. 

328 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

' I had my Answer readie to give unto his Maj^'^ 
in this wise, it was not to be expected that the 
Secretaries of such fforeign Islands should be in all 
things as exact as our Ministers of State at home, that 
they judged it sufficient that it was the same and 
written in the same hand w*^ the Minutes of the 
Councell sent over and lodged in Mr. Blathwaite's 
hands, where it stands recorded w^^ all the addressors 
names, and as to the second objection my intended 
answer was, if Governour, Councell and Assembly may 
not reflect upon such as use them ill, how can the 
Grievances of the people come to their Sovereign's 
Eare, or how can he redress them ; this I had in 
answer but could not give it in, his Maj^'^y haveing his 
mind too much filled w*^ the concerns of home. 

* By that time I was three or four dayes here Newes 
was brought me his Maj''^ was upon the point of 
giveing Col. Molesworth his discharge, upon w^^ 
I went to his Maj^y to let him know that Col. 
Molesworth had left the Government in debt 446 
pounds odd money, that he had charged revennew 
w*^ almost 2000 pounds more, and further I prayed 
his Majtie he would not give him a full discharge till 
he had made up his Accoumpt belonging to the 
African Company. . . . — Your Grace's Most humble 
Servant, Thomas Churchill.' ^ 

In the same mail came a letter to the Duchess from 
Dr. Barwick. He was now quite blind, but he not 
only managed many business matters for the Duchess 
at this time, but continued to act for her in the years 
to come. He, too, as will be seen, was still ignorant 
of the Duke's death. 

'Nov. bth, 1688. 

' May it please yo^ G^, — The money w*^^ yo"^ Gr. 
return 'd by Dr. Churchill to Mr. Pigot is now in Mr. 
Bows's hand. I met Dr. Churchill this morning, and 
he says my Lord Duke was better of his dry Gripes. 
As for the 400 pounds w^^ My Lord Duke returns 
over to be payd by Mr. Mell for yo*" Grace's use the 

* Montagu House MSS. 

1689] WILD RUMOURS 329 

Commissioners of Trust have made an order upon 
it, but my Lord Duke[s] Rents are so far anticipated 
by every one's calling for money that I know not 
when it will be payd ; and I found some objection too 
in getting it accepted because My Lord Duke had 
geven no advise of it to the Trustees, though M. Mr. 
(sic) Mell acknowledged he had received advise of it 
from Mrs. Wright.^ The Duchess of Newcastle not 
having heard from Jamaica of a great while I gave 
her Grace some account of My Lord Duke's Condition 
when the last leters came from Jamaica. I understand 
that the D. of Newcastle is very zealous for y^ K. 
[King] against the P. of Orange and is made L. 
Lieutenant of all three Ridings of Yorkshire, but 
things are rather wors the [n] beter with his own 
family at Welbeck.^ 

' I fear yo"^ Gr. can not read this Leter, I am sure I 
can not myself. 

* My Wife and Daughter give their humble duty 
to yo'' Gr. We are in howerly expectation of hearing 
of an invasion by the P. of Orange in some part of 
the West, for that way he has gone with his Fleet, and 
it is likely we shall hear of a sea-fight between the 
Prince and my Lord Dartmouth who commands the 
King's Ships. — I am, May it please yo'' Grace, Yo"^ 
Grace's old blind faithfuU Servant, 

' Pe. Barwick.' 3 

On January 23, 1689, the Jamaicans received a 
proclamation from King James announcing the land- 
ing in England of William of Orange. Then came 
black, mysterious silence. No ships came from 
England, no letters or proclamations. All through 
that winter in Jamaica the little colony knew not 
what to do. Wild rumours came to them from un- 
authorised sources that their king was king no longer, 
and that William of Orange reigned in his stead. It 

^ Mrs. Wright was one of the Duchess's attendants. 
* Such was the loyalty of the Duke of Newcastle to King James 
that he seldom left his bed after the triumph of the Prince of Orange. 
^ Montagu House MSS., addressed to the Duchess. 

330 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

behoved them to take great care what steps they 
took in so grave a matter, for the rumours might well 
be unfounded. Men looked this way and that, and 
knew not what course to pursue. One duty lay 
clearly before them, whoever might be king in 
England, the Duchess of Albemarle, with her still 
unburied husband, could not longer delay her return 

The Assistance, under command of Captain Wright, 
was once more fitted with its additional cabins and 
with plentiful store of provision. The Duke's yacht, 
returned from its refitting in Boston, stood ready to 
bear its sorrowful burden. ' March 7th,' says the 
log-book of the Assistance, * about twelve at night the 
Duke's corps was put on board the yacht, the next 
morning, mourning colours hoisted up.' On Friday, 
March 15, all preparations were completed. In the 
darkness of night the Duchess was escorted on board 
the frigate by Dr. Hans Sloane, who was now estab- 
lished as sole guardian and protector of the widowed 
lady. With her came her treasure, her plate, her 
five hundred tons of furnishings, and her numerous 
retinue of servants. In a state of fear the voyagers 
made ready to sail forth upon the high seas. One last 
moment of anguish now confronted the Duchess. 

At the instant of sailing, Mr. Lynch came aboard 
the frigate, 

* privately . . . without any ticket or giving security 
according to Law and Custom, and no Attorney to 
answer the demands of the French about some 
Indians whom Lynch had seized and sold as slaves. 
. . . My Lady Duchess was much concerned that 
Mr. Lynch should go on board a frigate wherein she 
thought to have sailed with My L°'^ body.' 

Vain were the tears of the Duchess, vain the 
commands of the Acting-Governor. Captain Wright, 


in haste to depart, disquieted at the thought of what 
he might find in England, abruptly replied to both 
that he would as soon obey Lynch's order as the 
Acting-Governor's. And sail Lynch did in open de- 
fiance of the colonial authorities. Sir Francis Watson 
sadly comments : 

' Mr Lynch could not be so acceptable to sail home 
in the same ship with y^ Duchess having been the 
occasion of much disquiet and troubel to ye Duke 
whilst he lived.' ^ 

Next day the frigate set sail, accompanied by the 
yacht and a convoy of thirteen merchantmen. ^ 

Dr. Sloane is the historian of the homeward voyage.^ 
The log-book of the Assistance also supplies details. 
The little fleet set out most anxiously upon the sea. 
All sorts of wild fragmentary rumours had reached 
them of the progress of the revolution in England, 
The voyagers looked daily with intense eagerness for 
outward bound ships that might bring them news, 
for they particularly desired to know if war had been 
declared between England and France. When they 
sighted a sail they pursued it, and ' found it as 
desirous of avoiding them as they of meeting it.' 
The Duchess and her adviser were worn with anxiety. 
The Albemarle treasure, together with the plate 
and jewels, would form a rich prize if they should 
be captured by a French frigate. Many were the 
discussions between them. Finally one day, when 
they had been at sea some two or three weeks, in 

^ CO., 138 : 6, 316-9; April 22, 1689. Sir Francis Watson to the 
Lords of Trade. 

* CO., 140 : 4, p. 264, January 20, i68f. The Receiver-General 
reports that he had paid the Duke of Albemarle several sums of his 
salary on account, but the Duke ' had happend to dye ' before he had 
signed any orders for the same. The balance due the Duke's estate 
was 93 pounds 85 shillings. 

* Quoted by Edwards, Founders of the British Museum, ' Sloane,' 
p. 276. 

332 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

conversation, the Duchess, Dr. Hans Sloane, and 
Captain Lawrence Wright fell into discussion of the 
probable situation of affairs in England. 

The Duchess, determined to save her goods at all 
costs, gave voice to words of admiration for William 
of Orange. Had she not secured that diamond ring, 
gift of the Prince to William Chapman, quite ten 
years ago ? ^ Perhaps she wore the jewel at the 
moment. She had no cause to love ICing James. 
His treatment of her husband was fresh in her mind, 
and if she had forgotten, Mr. Lynch, pacing the deck 
under her very eyes, was sufficient reminder. 

Captain Wright enlarged upon his duty in this 
crisis of affairs. He was evidently a devoted ad- 
herent of the Stuarts. His log-book records for each 
January 30 : 

' In Remembrance of that horrid murder of Our 
Blessed Sovereign Charles i., we wore our colours 

His celebration of each royal birthday is marked 
by every proper observance. He argued for King 
James, and thus announced his final decision : ' I can- 
not fight any ship having King James's commission, 
from whom I received mine.' He intimated that if 
he found the King in exile he would make all speed to 
France, and place himself and his frigate at the dis- 
posal of his rightful King. The frightened Duchess 
besought him to reconsider, for she did not fancy the 
idea of landing in a foreign country with all her 
chattels and her dead husband. The captain re- 
mained immovable. ' On hearing this assurance,' 
writes Dr. Sloane, * which seemed to open to her the 
prospect . . . of being carried to France,' the Duchess 
resolved on desperate measures. Nothing less than 

* See p. 104. 


to change her ship, taking all her wealth with her. 
She, with Dr. Sloane and her whole suite, left the 
Assistance in mid-ocean and re-embarked on the 
Duke's yacht, only to transfer later in the midst of a 
thunderstorm to the Generous Hannah, one of the 
convoy of merchantmen. Dr. Sloane, that gentle 
squire of dames, indignantly proceeds : 

' Our admiral (Wright) pretended he wanted water 
and must make the best of his way to England and 
without waiting to convoy us home, which he accord- 
ingly did.' 

Captain Wright pictured himself the victim of 
feminine caprice, that the Duchess could not decide 
between England or Virginia as her destination, and 
that needing water himself, he left her steering for the 
latter port. * She wisht me a good voyage,' says he, 
and we figure the haughty disdain with which she 
penned the message. 

Now indeed was the Duchess, protected only by 
such few guns as the merchant fleet possessed, at the 
mercy of any chance sea-rover she might encounter. 
The little fleet felt their way across the sea, a prey 
to varying emotions, eluding every sail that showed 
above the horizon. As they neared Plymouth, it 
became apparent to all that authentic news must 
be secured before landing. Dr. Hans Sloane again 
proved himself a worthy pattern of chivalry. 
Under cover of darkness he set forth in an armed 
row-boat to pick up what news he could. As he 
neared the coast, he perceived some fishermen ; 
hailing these, who made unavailing efforts to escape 
him, the determined man of science put the 
question : 

* How does the King ? ' 

A safe enough question, he thought, and committed 

334 THE GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA [book viii. 

no man to any political party. To which the fisher- 
men replied as cautiously : 

* Which King do you mean ? King William is well 
at Whitehall, King James is in France.' 

This was news enough to guide the travellers. 
They landed on May 30 at Plymouth in a heavy rain : 
the Duchess, her dead Duke, her plate and jewels and 
treasure, her servants and all their gear. 

In the harbour, with astonishment, they beheld 
the Assistance riding at anchor. Captain Wright had 
had leisure on his voyage to consider his future pros- 
pects. He prudently had sailed into Plymouth, and 
had sworn fealty to King William. 

The sorrowful journey of the Duchess was not 
yet finished. The mourning cavalcade took its way 
through the blossoming hedges of June to London. 
The last night of the journey was spent in Kensington.^ 
So the long sad office was accomplished, and the Duke 
was buried in the Abbey Church at Westminster in 
the vault with his father and mother. So quietly did 
this burial proceed that none have recorded the event. 
The days were too full of stirring deeds for men's 
thoughts to dwell upon the dead.^ 

So lived and died Christopher Monck, last Duke 
of Albemarle. His was the life of an average young 

I Brit. Mus., Stowe MSS. 747, fo. 12. 

'Herald's Office, ^d Dec. 1692. 

' May it please yr Ld3HP., — . . . . The Duke dyed at St. Jaco 

de la Vega (Spanish Town) in Jamaica, 6 Oct., 1688, was buried at 

Westminster in June 1689, near to his father. He was brought by sea 

to Plymouth, and thence to Kensington. . . , — Yr. Ldsp.'s Most, etc., 

' Gregory King, 
' Lancaster. 
' For the Rt. Honble. the Earl of Clarendon, 
' at Swallowfield, near Reading, 
' Barkshire.' 

' Chester : The Register of Westminster Abbey makes his burial 
July 4, 1689. See also Stanley, Annals of Westminster Abbey, p. 211. 


nobleman of the latter half of the seventeenth century. 
With all his gay spirit, full of vitality and resource, 
strangely enough he left no lasting mark upon his day. 
Both his rank and his personal ambition led him to 
mingle in great afiFairs both of state and of society, 
and he bore himself in these relations with fidelity to 
the principles of simple loyalty and steadfastness in 
which he had been nurtured. These very qualities, 
applauded in his own day and valued in our times 
as well, worked greatly to his undoing, and his brief 
life of scant thirty-five years shows his achievements 
uncompleted and his ambitions unsatisfied. His un- 
timely end reveals but one fortunate circumstance. 
Coming as it did at the moment of transition from 
the house of Stuart to that of Orange, the death of 
Albemarle saved him the pain of choosing between 
King James, to whom he had shown every evidence 
of loyalty, and the Prince of Orange, whom he had 
always admired and under whom he had so ardently 
desired to serve. 


' I 'd lay a Province at your Feet, to make 
you mine ; you say but yes, and are a 

BURNABY, Ladies' Visiting Day. 


The burial of the Duke having been accomplished, 
the widowed Duchess of Albemarle took her way to 
Welbeck Abbey .^ She was still suffering from the 
effects of her year in the tropics, and she hoped to 
find rest and health under her father's roof. In this 
she was disappointed, for little comfort could be found 
in a home where the family were divided in their 
allegiance. The Duke of Newcastle had remained true 
to King James, while his Duchess and her daughter 
Margaret had made their peace with William and 
Mary. The Duchess of Albemarle was the means of 
arranging one family matter. For, ' on her knees,' 
she persuaded her father to consent to the marriage 
of Lady Margaret Cavendish to the Earl of Clare. ^ 
This sisterly act accomplished, the Duchess retired 
to Newhall. Here Dr. Sloane attended her, and con- 
ducted an animated correspondence with Dr. Bar- 
wick on the subject of the health of their patroness 
and also of her business affairs. The Duchess suffered 
greatly from the cold, and Dr. Barwick wrote : 

' I doubt not but ye will put my Lady Dutchess in 
mind to go warmer both by night and day than 
formerly.' ^ 

In another letter he conjured Dr. Sloane to ' wean 

1 Welbeck MSS. 

'^ Welbeck MSS. Evidence of Richard Wright of Nottingham, Gent., 
Housekeeper of Nottingham Castle. Evidence of William Wilson, of 
Belvoir Castle, Gent. 

» Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS., 4036, fo. 57. 


340 THE MAD DUCHESS [book ix. 

her for ever from her fond love of Oatmeal.* In 
January 1690 the Duchess had sufhciently recovered 
to be able to * wait on both the Queens . . . and 
likewise her Royal Highness,' ^ where she doubtless 
found ' the Gracious Reception ' her friends so much 
desired for her,^ 

The Duchess had need of good health and royal 
favour to carry her through the trials that awaited 
her. Even before the body of the Duke of Albemarle 
had reached England, disputes arose over the dis- 
position of his estate. The Earl of Bath coming to 
London from Plymouth, brought the will of 1675 that 
had been entrusted to him by Albemarle. It had been 
preserved all these months in Lady Bath's strong- 
box. With it was the deed of 1681, which served 
to strengthen and confirm the earlier will. The 
Duchess of Newcastle, as custodian of the will of 1687, 
journeyed by coach from Welbeck through ways miry 
with the rains of spring.^ 

These two wills were examined in the Chambers of 
Sir Thomas Stringer, in the presence of many notable 
gentlemen.* The weakest point in the validity of the 
last will lay in the matter of witnesses. According 
to the deed of 1681, that deed and the will of 1675 
could not be revoked except by another will, signed 
by six witnesses, three of whom were to be peers, and, 

^ Queen Mary, Catherine, the widow of Charles ii., and the Princess 

* Brit. Mus., Sloane MSS., 4036-58. Dr. Barwick to Dr. Sloane. 

' Welbeck MSS. Exhibits in proceedings touching the will of the 
second Duke of Newcastle. Letter of Henry Cavendish, second Duke 
of Newcastle, to his wife, April 18, 1689 : ' Ye ways cannot be soe badd 
as when you went up ; you may if you please make it six dayes in- 

* One of the three original drafts of the will of 1687 is preserved at 
Somerset House. Certified copies of the wills of 1675 and 1687, with 
the deed of 1681, are found among the Welbeck MSS. They were made 
for Henry, Duke of Newcastle, who was named as one of the Duke of 
Albemarle's executors. 

i689] TWO WILLS 341 

in the revoking of the deed, the sum of sixpence 
must change hands. Now the will of 1687 had but 
three witnesses, none of them were peers, and no six- 
pence had been in evidence. All of which omissions 
strengthens the belief that the Duke of Albemarle 
never intended the will of 1687 to stand. 

The wills were similar in that they each provided 
for the erection of a monument in memory of the 
Moncks in Westminster Abbey, to cost five thousand 
pounds. In memory of the Duke's mother, Anne,. 
Duchess of Albemarle, alms houses for twenty poor 
widows were to be erected. Fifteen hundred pounds 
might be spent on the building, and two hundred 
pounds per annum was provided as endowment.. 
The Duchess was supplied with an annual income 
of eight thousand pounds, together with the use of 
Newhall during her life. In case of her remarriage,, 
the plate and furnishings were to belong to the 
inheritor of Newhall. Furthermore, the domestic 
servants at their usual pay were to be retained for 
three months following Albemarle's death, and were 
then to receive six months' salary. 

In the first will all the Monck female cousins were 
remembered with sums varying from one to five 
thousand pounds. In the last will they received 
but forty pounds each, excepting Mary Fairwell,. 
who was to have the Manor of Midgeham and the 
Tide Mills, and the lands in Berkshire and Lincoln- 
shire. By the same will Arthur Fairwell, her son^ 
received an annuity of one hundred and seventy 
pounds during the life of the Duchess, and one hun- 
dred pounds to provide for his education. 

The great difference between the wills appeared 
in the disposition of the main part of the estates. 
According to the will of 1675, the larger part of the 
estates was to go to John, Earl of Bath, and his 


342 THE MAD DUCHESS [book ix. 

heirs-male ; while generous bequests were made to 
other members of the Grenville family. The King 
was, moreover, reminded and besought to make good 
his promise to grant the title of Duke of Albemarle 
to the Earl of Bath, and ' that the eldest son of that 
family and so successively may be called by the name 
of Lord Monck.' ^ The will of 1687 made a starthng 
change. All the lands in Ireland were left to Henry 
Monck, * resident in Ireland,' who by the previous 
will received but one thousand pounds. To Colonel 
Thomas Monck, who in the early will was to receive 
a like sum, was left the greater part of the whole 
estate. In fact, just what by the earlier will was left 
to Lord Bath. This will contained a petition to the 
King to grant to Colonel Monck the title of Baron 
Monck of Potheridge. 

There was nothing for the rival heirs to do but have 
recourse to the law to determine which will should be 
declared valid. The affair was further complicated 
by the fact that Colonel Thomas Monck had pre- 
deceased the Duke, and that his claims were inherited 
by a young son, Christopher, now only fourteen years 
of age. 

In the first trials the judgments were for the Earl 
of Bath. 2 But, in 1692, the Duchess introduced a 
further complication. She had not been in good 
health of either body or mind since her return from 
Jamaica, and, in February 169^, the Duke of New- 
castle was heard to say that * his daughter the 
Duchess of Albemarle was not capable of managing 

1 Hist. MSS. Com. Report. Stuart Papers, vol. i. p. 2. Promise of 
Charles 11. to Lord Bath that in case George Monck and his son have no 
issue he shall have the house and park of Theobald's, and shall be Duke 
of Albemarle and Lord Monck (Brussels, April 2, 1660). This agreement 
casts doubt upon the assertion that George INIonck received no pro- 
mises of reward previous to his meeting with the King at Canterbury. 

* See Luttrell's Diary under dates ranging from 1690 to 1710. 


any estate.' ^ Later in the same year the Duchess 
of Newcastle wrote to Lord and Lady Thanet, that 
your ' Sister Albemarle is incapable of anything.' ^ 
After the death of the Duke of Newcastle,^ his will 
was also the subject of a lawsuit among his daughters 
and their husbands. When the agent of one of the 
aggrieved parties came to the Duchess of Albemarle 
to engage her therein, he 

* found her incapable of giving any orders therein 
and . . . refused to procure any order from her or 
act under the same by reason of her inabihty of under- 
standing to give one.' 

All of which serves to prove that the mental state of 
the Duchess was well known to her family. Yet she 
was left to the mercies of her women, Mary and Sarah 
Wright and Elizabeth Stamp.* 

The old Duke of Newcastle, always desirous of a 
grandson, just before his death had ' desired his 
daughter the Duchess of Albemarle to marry again 
that she might have children.' ^ Either on the advice 
of her father or because of the importunities of her 
suitors, the Duchess determined to wed. She was 
barely thirty-six and still held some claim to beauty. 
The story of her riches was well known. A curious 
tale is told of the methods of the successful wooer. 
Horace Walpole seems to be responsible for the 
narration, for no earlier relation of it has been 

Lord Montagu, who had frequently crossed the 

1 Welbeck MSS. Evidence of Richard Neale of Mansfield Wood- 
house, Gent. Suit touching will of Henry, Duke of Newcastle. 
« Welbeck MSS. 

* Henry, Duke of Newcastle, died July 26, 1691. 

* Wife of Sir Thomas Stamp. 

'" Welbeck MSS. Lawsuit in connection with the will of Henry, 
second Duke of Newcastle ; evidence of Sir Henry Monson of Burton, 

344 THE MAD DUCHESS [book ix. 

path of the Duke of Albemarle, was at this time a 
widower,^ and planning to rebuild his great mansion 
in Bloomsbury, lately destroyed by fire. He had 
played an important role as diplomatist and courtier 
throughout three reigns, and had lately been created 
Viscount Monthermer for his services by William of 
Orange. He is said to have combined a real taste for 
the fine arts with an almost abnormal desire for pomp 
and display. Great wealth was necessary that he 
might gratify these propensities. It is impossible to 
impute his campaign for the hand of the wealthy 
Duchess of Albemarle to anything but unworthy 
motives. The lady was known to be insane. The 
overweening pride which had long been her bane, had 
at last become an obsession. She was said to have 
declared that she would condescend to marry none 
but a monarch. The story seems hardly credible, 
but is never omitted in any modern record of the 
event. Just where the widowed Duchess was living 
at the moment does not appear. Perhaps at 
Newcastle House or even Newhall. To her, accord- 
ing to tradition, Lord Montagu made his way. He 
was willing to make every effort to win the lady and 
her wealth. In order to come within the require- 
ments of her desires, he had habited himself as the 
Emperor of China. As he is described as of middle 
stature, inclined to be fat, and of a coarse, dark com- 
plexion, the effect could hardly have been pleasing 
to the unprejudiced eye." Where was the watchful 
Dr. Sloane, the faithful Dr. Barwick ? Suspicion 
rests upon the women attendants of the Duchess, 
who must have assisted at this unhappy scene. The 

1 His first wife was Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of Thomas 
Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, and widow of Josceline Percy, 
eleventh and last Earl of Northumberland. See p. 60. 

? Granger, Biographical History, vol. ii. p. 36. 



seeming emperor wooed and won the poor mad lady, 
whom he married on September 8, 1692.^ At what 
place and by whom married remains a mystery, 
though the judges of various courts tried in vain to 
elicit the truth from the voluble sisters Wright. 
Sometimes they swore she was married, sometimes 
that she was not, as they perceived their own interests 
were best served. 

Lord Montagu received at least two expressions of 
congratulations on the occasion. The first was from 
Lord Thanet, the brother-in-law of the bride : 

' The news of your Lordship's marriage was not 
more surprising then pleasing to mee since I am 
certaine it will on all account (s) bee extreamely to 
the satisfaction of my Lady Duchesse and all her 
relations that wishe her prosperitye and mee in 
particular who shall desier one (sic) all occations to 
expresse myself 3^our Lordships most humble servant 

' Thanet. 

'HOTHFIELD the l6 Sep. 92.' ^ 

Richard, Lord Roos, the rival suitor for the hand 
of the lady, thus expresses his feelings in verse : 

' Insulting rival never boast 
Thy conquest lately won, 
No wonder that her heart was lost 
Her senses first were gone. 

For one that 's under Bedlam's laws 

What glory can be had 
For love of thee was not the cause 

It proves that she was mad.' ^ 

Lord Montagu had no mind to allow Lord Bath 

* This incident of the wooing of the Duchess of Albemarle was used 
by several dramatists of the period. See Burnaby, The Ladies' Visiting 

2 Montagu House MSS. Sixth Earl of Thanet to the Earl of 

2 Henry Savile, brother of Lord Hahfax, also aspired to the hand 
of the Duchess of Albemarle. 

346 THE MAD DUCHESS [book ix. 

to enjoy the Albemarle estates, and he threw himself 
into the lawsuits with vigour. Piles of dusty parch- 
ments at the Record Office and the House of Lords, 
bearing the title of Montagu v. Bath, testify to the 
heat of the controversy. Narcissus Luttrell notes in 
his Journal many hearings in various Courts of the 
famous case. 

In 1694 a new action drove Montagu and Bath to 
join forces against a common enemy. The Monck 
cousins, under the leadership of Mr. and Mrs. Sher- 
win,^ started a suit to prove that the marriage of 
George Monck and Anne Clarges was not legal, owing 
to the fact that Anne's first husband, Radford, was 
said to be living at the time of her second marriage. 
Consequently Elizabeth Sherwin claimed the Monck 
estates as eldest heir of George Monck. Many queer 
figures appeared in Court, including Anne Clarges' 
old neighbours from the Strand, Christopher's nurse. 
Honour Mills, servants and apprentices. Dark 
stories came to light. Each side accused the other 
of perjury, and sometimes with reason. Witnesses 
died sudden and mysterious deaths, houses fell on 
others. Even suicide was added to the catastrophes 
laid at the door of the great lawsuit.^ But in spite of 
years of endeavour, the Monck cousins could not 
substantiate their claim. 

In an attempt to end the suit, Lord Bath and Lord 
Montagu determined to purchase the great estates 
of Theobald's, Clitheroe, and the ancestral Potheridge 
from the Monck claimants. Disagreements among 
the Moncks interfered with this settlement. Lord 
Bath, however, finally secured Potheridge in Devon, 
by payment to Mrs. Pride and her son of eight 

* Elizabeth Pride, descendant of the regicide. See pp. 50-51. 

^ The Sherwins printed their story of the case : ' Tlie Case of the Heirs 
at Law to George Monck, late Duke cf Albemarle. Printed and sold by 
B. Bragg, at the Sign of the Black Raven in Pater Noster Row, 1709.' 


thousand five hundred pounds, while the Honour of 
Clitheroe in Lancashire went by purchase from Mrs. 
Sherwin to Lord Montagu. 

In 1702 the Earl of Bath, John, Lord Grenville, 
Sir Walter Clarges, and Sir Bevil Grenville secured a 
perpetual injunction, and stopped the proceedings of 
the heirs-at-law until June 28, 1709, when the whole 
case was brought forth again, and the Lord Chancellor 
dismissed their Bill with costs to be paid to the heirs- 

In 1698 Lord Bath had entered into an agreement 
with Lord Montagu and his wife, for certain considera- 
tions not mentioned, to relinquish all right to the 
estates left to the Duchess during her life.^ Although 
the name of the Duchess appears with bewildering 
frequency on many legal documents, she had dis- 
appeared utterly from view. Living obscurely in the 
great new Montagu House, ^ it was whispered that the 
fable of the Emperor of China was still used ; that 
she was treated as an Empress by her women. Later 
she dropped so completely into oblivion that witnesses 
speak of her as dead, and Lord Montagu was obliged 
to produce her in the House of Lords to prove her 
living. Both he and Lord Bath evidently believed 
that she would not live long and they could afford to 
wait. Her death would settle many disputes far 
better than any Court of Law.* 

Lord Bath, as a last precaution, by fair means or 

^ ' The Case of the Heirs at Law to George Monck, late Duke of Albe- 
marle. Printed and sold by B. Bragg, at the Sign of the Black Raven 
in Pater Noster Row, 1709.' 

* Welbeck MSS., Oct. i, 1698. Indenture between John, Earl of Bath, 
of the first part, and Ralph, Earl of Montagu, and his wife, Duchess 
of Albemarle, of the second part. Signed and sealed by Lord Bath. 

' Afterwards used for the first home of the British Museum. 

* Lord Bath, as trustee in the matter of the Gentlemen Adventurers, 
was also engaged in a lawsuit instituted by them and their heirs who 
made claims against the Albemarle estate. 

348 THE MAD DUCHESS [book ix. 

foul, persuaded young Christopher Monck, principal 
heir under the will of 1687, to make over to him all 
his rights to the Albemarle estates. In return he 
was to receive one thousand pounds a year and the 
Manor of Flourny.^ As this foolish young man had 
taken to drink and had raised large sums of money 
on his expectations, his bargain was not a bad one. 
He had but a short time to enjoy any fortune, good 
or bad, for he came to an untimely end, July 4, 1701.^ 

As the years went by, death wrought many changes. 
Queen Mary had died in 1694, and now King William 
too was gone. Anne reigned, and Lord Montagu was 
made a Duke. His invisible wife was now not only 
spoken of as the ' Mad Duchess,' but the ' Double 
Duchess,' and the mystery about her deepened. Of 
the Clarges family. Sir Thomas and Sir Walter were 
gone, leaving a little child to carry on their claim. 
The Earl of Bath, who was still the Earl, for King 
William had not felt himself bound by the promises 
of his uncle, King Charles, reluctantly drew his last 
breath. Lord Lansdown, his son, hardly survived 
him a week, dying from a pistol shot fired by his own 
hand. The title and claims fell to a little child, 
WilHam Henr>^^ 

The exiled King, James 11., keeping his pitiful state 
at St. Germains, forgetful of past promises, had 
granted to his son, Henry Fitz-James,^ the title of 

* Chan. Proc, Hamilton, vol. 32, No. 44, Aug. 23, 1708. Henry 
Monck, second son of Thomas Monck, to the Lord Chancellor. 

- Chan. Proc, Hamilton, vol. 32, No. 44, July 1698. 

3 Chan. Proc, Hamilton, vol. 36, No. i, January, 1703 ; Chan. Proc, 
Collins, vol. 514, No. 118, July 27, 1708. William Henry died in 1711, 
aged ten years, when the title became extinct. His estate, and perhaps 
his claims to the Albemarle fortune, passed to his aunts — Jane, \viie 
of Sir William Leveson-Gower ; Catherine, wife of Craven Peyton ; 
Grace, wife of George Carteret. 

* Henry Fitz-James, son of Arabella Churchill, and brother of the 
Duke of Berwick; created Duke of Albemarle in 1697. See Ruvigny 
and Raineval, Jacobite Peerages. Hist. MSS. Com., i^th Report, Bath 


Duke of Albemarle. The death of this young man 
without issue gave King James another unused 
opportunity to keep his promise. One of the Gren- 
ville family, George, had come under suspicion by 
Queen Anne's government of holding communica- 
tion with the exiles. He was imprisoned in the 
Tower in 17 14, and on his release went abroad. In 
1 72 1 the Old Pretender made tardy redemption of 
the old promise. George Grenville was created Baron 
Lansdown of Bideford; Viscount Bevil, Earl of Bath; 
Marquis Monck and Duke of Albemarle.^ 

In March 1709-10 died Ralph, first Duke of 
Montagu. The world could hardly forbear a smile 
at this end to all his plans. Ann Hadley's letter to 
her cousin Abigail Harley gives a hint of what was 
said : 

* Here is no lamentations for ye Duke of Montague, 
but he by departing has given the inquisitive warld 
ye long desired satisfaction of knowing his Mad 
Dutchess to be alive ; they say she will be given to 
the Duke of Newcastle,^ when a commission of 
Lunacy is taken out, and whats more will come in for 
her thirds of her or her pretended husbands Estate 
for my part I'me apt to think could he have forseen, 
or rather believed at what a distance this present 
world and he would soon have been, he for the wealth 

MSS., vol. iii. p. 234, July 15, 1698, Paris. Matthew Prior, writing to 
the Earl of Portland, mentions at King James's Court at St. Ger- 
mains, ' Mr. Henry Fitz- James, called the Duke of Albemarle.' 

1 George Grenville, second surviving son of Bernard Grenville, who 
was brother of John, Earl of Bath, was born in 1667 ; Queen Anne 
created him Baron Lansdown of Bideford, one of twelve peers created 
in five days to secure a majority in the House of Lords. He was a Privy 
Councillor, Comptroller of the Household, and Treasurer of the House- 
hold. He died in 1734-5. See Jacobite Peerages. 

^ John Holies, third Duke of Newcastle. He had married Lady 
Margaret Cavendish, principal heiress of her father, Henry, second 
Duke of Newcastle, and had been granted the title of Duke of 

350 THE MAD DUCHESS [book ix. 

and honner sake of his family would discreetly have 
knock'^ her Ladyship in the head in good time.' ^ 

Whether or not the widow of the Duke of Montagu 
received * her thirds,' many of her papers and those 
of her first husband, the second Duke of Albemarle, 
were retained by the Montagu family. They are now 
in the possession of the Duke of Buccleuch, and are 
preserved at Montagu House, Whitehall. 

On the death of the Duke of Montagu, certain 
members of the Cavendish family interested them- 
selves on behalf of their unfortunate relative. There 
was some rivalry as to who should be her guardian, 
as a handsome income would be paid to whoever held 
this office. Even Lord Glenorchy wrote from far 
Edinburgh to solicit the position for himself.^ An 
inquisition was taken at the Church of St. Clement 
Danes, on March 31, 1709, when, after examining 
witnesses, the Lunacy Commissioners found that 

* the Duchess Dowager of Montagu is a lunatic and 
not in her right understanding and does not enjoy 
lucid intervals and is therefore not capable of the 
Government of herself or her estate.' 

John, Duke of Newcastle, Thomas, Earl of Thanet, 
and Charles, Earl of Sunderland, were consequently 
made her guardians.^ 

The poor lady was now established at old New- 
castle House in Clerkenwell, where she had lived as 
Duchess of Albemarle. Household stuff and furniture 
were brought from Newhall ^ to give her comfort. 
Henceforth Newhall was left deserted to fall into 

1 Welbeck MSS., London, March i6, 17/^. 

* Welbeck MSS., March 29, 1709. Lord Glenorchy was the widower 
of Lady Frances Cavendish. 

' Nicholas, Chronology of History, March 31, 1709 ; Luttrell, vol. vl. 
p. 420. 

* Welbeck MSS., Diary, 1709, March 27, William Guidote's opinion. 

1729] THE HEIRS 351 

decay. Lord Harley visited the house, Monday, 
September 13, 1714, and found it ' Very much out of 
repair.' ^ Benjamin Hoare, Esq., son of Sir Richard 
Hoare, banker, and Lord Mayor of London in 17 13, 
some years later bought of the heirs of the Duchess 
the reversion of Newhall and other estates appertain- 
ing thereto. With the marble and other materials 
of this mansion he decorated a house which he built 
in the neighbourhood. 

As year followed year and the Duchess lived on, the 
Cavendish relatives took counsel among themselves. 
Under the prudent management of the trustees and 
the resourceful Peniston Lamb, the estate of the 
Duchess had grown and multiplied. All of her 
sisters were dead, and among their children it was a 
question whether the estate should be divided into 
three portions or per capita. On the strength of the 
united opinion of five gentlemen learned in the law, 
it was decided that the division should be made per 
capita. 2 These heirs, who awaited with more or less 
eagerness the end of the old aunt whom most of them 
had probably never seen, were — 

1. Henrietta Cavendish Holies, Countess of 
Oxford, only daughter of Margaret Cavendish, 
Duchess of Newcastle. 

2. Frances, Viscountess Morpeth, daughter of 
Arabella Cavendish, Lady Spencer. 

3. Anne, Countess of Sahsbury. 

4. Margaret, Countess of Leicester and Baroness 

5. Mary, Countess of Harold, afterwards Countess 

6. Isabella, married (i) Lord Nassau Paulet ; (2) 
Sir Francis Blake Delavel, K.B. 

1 Welbeck MSS. Notebook of Lord Harley, second Earl of Oxford. 
* Welbeck MSS., 1729. 

352 THE MAD DUCHESS [book ix. 

These last four ladies were daughters of Katherine 
Cavendish, Lady Thanet. By an agreement drawn 
up between the Countess of Oxford and her husband 
with Mr. Lamb, the agent for the Duchess, it would 
appear that each of these heirs would receive more 
than ;^20,ooo.^ Thus the personal estate of the 
Duchess would represent more than ;^i20,ooo. What 
part of the great Albemarle estates remained out- 
side the lands settled on the Duchess for her life 
does not appear. Great inroads had been made by 
twenty years of litigation, lawyers' fees, and partial 
settlements. 2 Some legacies awaited the death of 
the Duchess to be paid to beneficiaries under the 
last will. Chief among those who thus awaited pay- 
ment was a younger Bernard Grenville, nephew of 
that George Grenville who had been called Duke of 
Albemarle. This poor, shadowy Duke had died 
leaving his empty titles, of no use in England, to 
this nephew, Bernard. This younger Bernard Gren- 
ville, who was born in 1700, had served in the 
English army in the foreign wars. On the death 
of his uncle, the young man resigned his commis- 
sion and betook himself to London, to await, with 
the Cavendish heirs, an event that all felt could not 
now be far off.^ But it was not until August 28, 1734, 
that Lord Oxford recorded in his notebook : * 

' A quarter before twelve aclock died Elizabeth 
D^^ of Albemarle at Newcastle House, Clerkenwell 
in the 80th year of her age.' 

1 Welbeck MSS., July i, 1735. 

* Chan. Proc, Whittington, vol. 242, No. 16. Bath v. Gibbs, May 
16Q5. The personal property of the Duke of Albemarle amounted to 
3^40,000 beyond his debts. The executors had neither paid the debts 
nor discharged the legacies. 

* In 1738 Bernard Grenville purchased with his share of the Albe- 
marle estates Colwich Abbey, county Stafford. 

* Welbeck MSS. 


Once dead, the pitiful body of the Duchess received 
anew all the dignities belonging to her rank. She 
was carried to the Abbey Church of Westminster, 
where she lay in state in the Jerusalem Chamber. 
On Wednesday, September 11, at night, she was 
buried in a private manner in the Monck vault beside 
the husband of her youth, whom she had outlived by 
nearly fifty years. 

For two hundred years and more the Duke and 
Duchess of Albemarle have slept in Westminster 
Abbey. They lie at the feet of Queen Elizabeth in a 
vault designed for the first Stuart king ; around them 
rise the glories of the Chapel of Henry vii.^ In the 
south aisle of the chapel, erected over the resting- 
place of the Duke's 'dear master King Charles 11.,' 
is the Monck monument. The stone is unmarked 
by the name or deeds of those it serves to com- 
memorate, but the family arms are carved high upon 
the shaft. It was erected in 1720 in compliance with 
the will of Christopher Monck to the memory of his 
father. Carved in white marble, the great Lord- 
General stands, costumed in armour and cloak, 
bearing in his hand a baton. Facing him a sorrow- 
ing female figure supports a medallion portrait of 
Christopher, the last Duke of Albemarle. 

1 In the Monck vault, in addition to the family and certain of the 
GrenviUes, are buried George Savile, Marquis of Halifax, with his wife 
and daughter ; George Fitzroy, Duke of Northumberland, and his two 
wives ; and the essayist and poet, Joseph Addison. There are also 
several urns, one believed to be that of Anne of Denmark. 

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II — 






Thomas Murrey, at Welbeck Abbey, in the possession of the 
Duke of Portland, K.G. 

FULL-LENGTH PORTRAIT, by John Riley, at Welbeck Abbey, 
in the possession of the Duke of Portland, K.G. 

Murrey (?), in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge. 

PORTRAIT, in the possession of the Misses Hayes, artist unknown, 
exhibited at South Kensington, 1868. 

MINIATURE, by N. DixON, at Ickworth, in the possession of the 
Marquis of Bristol. 

MINIATURE, painted in 1680, by L. Crosse, belonging (1914) to 
Mr. E. M. Hodgkins. 

ENAMEL, at Welbeck Abbey, in the possession of the Duke of 
Portland, K.G. 

MEZZOTINT PORTRAIT, engraved by Becket. 


Welbeck Abbey, in the possession of the Duke of Portland, K.G. 

REPETITION OF THE SAME, in the collection at Langton, 

WHOLE-LENGTH, SEATED, by Thomas Murrey, at Welbeck 
Abbey, in the possession of the Duke of Portland, K.G. 


THREE-QUARTER-LENGTH, SEATED, at Longleat, in the 
collection of the Marquis of Bath. 

William Sherwin. 

MINIATURE, by L. Crosse, at Welbeck Abbey, in the possession 
of the Duke of Portland, K.G. 



Abdael, Albemarle addressed as, 139. 

' Absalom and Achitophel ' continued 
by Tate, 135. 

Acland, Sir H., mentioned, 123. 

Africa, gold, 286. 

African House, meetings held in, a86. 

Ailesbury, Earl of (Robert Bruce), 
signs petition, 163; present, 172. 

Albemarle, the Duke of (a public 
house), mentioned, 155, 315. 

Duchess of (Anne Clarges), 

early life, 6, 7 ; marriage to Monck, 
7-8; birth of Christopher, 9-10; 
Dalkeith House, n; opinions.. 14; 
her Treason Gown, 15 ; White- 
hall Palace, 16; St. James's Palace, 
17 ; neglected by Parliament ladies, 
19; becomes Duchess, 20; son's 
accomplishments and dress, 22-3 ; 
estimate of, 26 ; son's wedding-day, 
29 ; death of husband, 30 ; her 
jewels, 31; her death, 32; her 
burial, 35 ; her picture, once at 
Chatsworth, 68 ; warning against 
Clarges, 76; her marriage ques- 
tioned, 346. 

second Duke of (Christopher 

Monck), ancestry, 3, 4; father of, 
3-8 ; birth of, 9 ; his nurse, 10 ; at 
Dalkeith House, 11; his playmate, 
12 ; his opinions, 14 ; lives in White- 
hall Palace, 16 ; Uves in St. James's 
Palace, 17 ; loiown as Lord Torring- 
ton, 20. Expense account — his 
tutor, 21 ; as a letter writer, 22 ; 
mathematics : his teacher, 22 ; danc- 
ing master, 22; foot-boy, 22. 1666 
— made a captain, 23. 1667 — in 
Parliament, 23 ; shadow on birth, 
24. 1669 — visit of Grand Duke of 
Tuscany, 25 ; estimate of Christo- 
pher, 26; wife sought for, 27; 

wife's dowry, 28 ; marriage, 29. 
1670 — inherits father's titles and 
offices, 30 ; desires his mother's 
jewels, 31; given the Garter, 32; 
supplies from great wardrobe, 33 ; 
chief mourner, 36 ; good wishes for, 
37; installation at Windsor, 42, 43, 
44, 45 ; his estates, 46, 47 ; youth 
and inexperience, 47; evil com- 
panions, 48 ; murder of beadle, 49 ; 
his pardon, 50 ; letter to Lord 
Montagu, 51; his coaches, 53; 
Gentleman of the Bedchamber, 54. 
1673 — his regiment, 55; regiment 
mutinies, 56; accompanies Rupert, 
57; battle of Texel, 58; receives 
lands in Ireland, 60; intrigues in 
household of, 63 ; his son, 64 ; lack 
of an heir, 65 ; befriends Colonel 
Thos. Monck, 66 ; care of orphans, 
68; family connection, 69. 1674 — 
political affiliations, 70 ; gaieties at 
Court, 71 ; character of his letters, 
74 ; letter from Reresby, 75 ; his 
guardians, 76; forsakes Clarges, 
"jy ; letter from Clarges, 78 ; his 
coming of age, 80 ; buys Clarendon 
House, employs Verrio, 84; ser- 
vants of, 85 ; neglects his duties 
at Court, 86 ; contrite letters to 
Bath, 87. 1675 — desire for a son, 
88 ; appearance and characteristics, 
91; his loyalty, 92; goes to New- 
market, 93 ; King's visit to, 94, 98 ; 
letter from Newcastle, 98 ; visits 
Devonshire, 99; entertained at 
Plymouth, 100; visit to Holland, 
102 ; welcomes Prince of Orange, 
103 ; presents to Prince from, 104 ; 
returns to Holland, 105 ; the Popish 
Plot, 106; writes to Newcastle, 
107; the election in Essex, 108; 
displeased with result, 109 ; a privy 
councillor, no; defends Danby, 

2 A 



hi; becomes colonel of the Guards, 
113; attends the King, 114; search 
for Papists, 114. 1680 — greyhound 
coursing, 115 ; amusements of, 
116; votes Stafford guilty, 118; 
reforms the Guards, 119 ; his coach 
searched for Papists, 120 ; attends 
the King to Oxford, 121 ; his 
political position, 122 ; joint 
Lord-Lieutenant of Wiltshire, 123 ; 
quarrel with Legge, 124 ; the 
deed of Release, 124-5 ; en- 
tertains gentlemen of the MiddL- 
Temple, 125 ; entertains the Prince 
of Orange, 125 ; wrestling-match 
at Windsor, 126-7 ; entertains 
the Prince at Newhall, 128 ; in- 
terest in Lady Ogle, 129 ; scandal 
concerning, 130 ; rewards, 132 ; 
Revels of the Temple, 133 ; chal- 
lenges Monmouth, 134 ; goes to 
a bear-baiting, 135 ; goes to New- 
market, 136 ; Chancellor of Cam- 
bridge University, 137 ; corre- 
spondence with University, 138 ; 
poems in honour of, 139 ; pre- 
parations for installation, 140 ; 
installation and speech, 141 ; made 
Doctor of Laws, 142 ; plot to 
disgrace him, 143. 1682 — duel 
with Grey, 144 ; tells the King his 
story, 145 ; letter from Morocco 
Ambassador, 146 ; Steward of 
Young Men and Apprentices, 147; 
considered for ambassadorship to 
Fez, 148 ; asks for command in 
Netherlands, 148 ; presents saddle- 
horse to Prince of Orange, 148; 
letter concerning command, 149 ; 
command refused, 150 ; letter 
from Bentinck, 151 ; horses from 
the Prince, 151 ; apex of career, 
152. 1683 — offices held by, 152 ; 
financial embarrassment— sells Al- 
bemarleHouse, 155; sits'forportrait, 
156 ; delusions of the Duchess, 
157 ; letter from the Duchess, 
157-8 ; letter from Mary Fair- 
well, 158-9 ; affection for his 
wife, 161 ; signs petition, 162 ; 
conduct at lire, 164 ; letter from 
Petre, 164 ; alters will, 163 ; Rye 
House Plot, 165 ; arrests con- 
spirators, 166 ; present at Russell's 
execution, 167 ; tries to shoot 

Russell, 1 58 ; seeks another house, 
169 ; letters from Barwick to, 
170, 171 ; entertained by Lion- 
berg, 172 ; a guarantor for Danby, 
172 ; letter from Barwick, 173, 
174, 175 ; contretemps at White- 
hall, 174 ; letter from the Duchess, 
175 ; letter from Newcastle, 175 ; 
at Newcastle House, 176; out 
of favour, 177. 1685 — death of 
King, 179 ; at King's funeral, 180 ; 
correspondence with Blythe, 181 ; 
dispute with University, 182 ; 
sends Bramston to King, 183 ; 
caresses voters, 184 ; election at 
Chelmsford, 185-6; absent from 
Mass, 187 ; disputes over the 
member from Clitheroe, 188 ; place 
in coronation procession, 189 ; 
letter from Barwick, 190 ; re- 
commends Glenorchy, 191 ; 
attends Privy Council, 192 ; peti- 
tion of Finet, 193 ; no longer 
Gentleman of Bedchamber, 194 ; 
raises Devon militia against Mon- 
mouth, 195 ; awaits reinforce- 
ments, 197 ; King's orders to, 198 ; 
forbidden to attack, 199 ; his 
militia defeated at Axminster, 
200 ; uses influence to encourage 
militia, 201 ; holds mUitia at 
Wellington, 202 ; invited to join 
Monmouth, 203 and note ; Albe- 
marle's reply, 204 ; complimented 
by King, 205 ; Berwick joins 
Albemarle, 206 ; letter from 
Sydenham, 206; letter from Duchess 
concerning Feversham, 207 ; 
joined by Churchill, 208 ; secures 
Lyme, 209 ; letter from Duchess, 
210 ; letter from Grosvenor, 211 ; 
superseded by Feversham, 212 ; 
letter from Duchess, 213 ; absent 
from Monmouth's execution, 214 ; 
returns to Newcastle House, 215 ; 
discusses militia, 216 ; King's 
anger with, 217; resigns appoint- 
ments, 218 ; writes to Sancroft 
concerning University, 219 ; public 
opinion of, 219 ; Bramston's com- 
ments on, 220 ; retires to Newhall, 
223 ; health impaired, 224 ; his 
colours, 225 ; his overtures to the 
King, 225 ; returns to London, 
226 ; attack upon, 226 ; urged 



to alter will, 227 ; letters from 
Duchess, 228; letter from Barwick, 
229 ; summons Bath, 230 ; ad- 
vised by Bath, 231 ; postpones 
signing new will, 232 ; con- 
trasted with Buckingham, 233 ; 
accepts governorship of Jamaica, 
234. 1686 — huntmg-party at New- 
hall, 235 ; favours from King, 237 ; 
sups at Copt Hall, 238-239 ; 
announcement of governorship, 
240 ; reasons for interest in the 
West Indies, 243 ; learns of 
treasure ship, 244 ; organises The 
Gentlemen Adventurers, 245 ; his 
patent for treasure ship, 246 ; 
shares of, 247 ; treasure received 
by, 251 ; medal showing, 252. 
1687 — receives new patent for 
treasmre-hunting, 253 ; conditions 
of his patent, 254 ; at council, 255 ; 
as a treasure-seeker, 256 ; com- 
mission as governor, 261 ; powers 
granted to, 262 ; intercedes in 
behalf of University, 263 ; letter 
from Peachell, 264 ; pleads with 
King, 265 ; patent for mines, 266 ; 
patent to confer knighthood, 267 ; 
commander-in-chief, 267 ; instruc- 
tions to, 267-8 ; his chaplains, 
269 ; patent for sawmills, 269- 
70; domestic troubles, 270; 
sells land to Jeffreys, 271 ; signs 
second wOl, 272 ; preparations for 
departure, 273 ; his papers, 274 ; 
personal appearance, 275 ; por- 
trait by Riley, 275 ; interview 
with Bath and Grenville, 276 ; 
sails, 277 ; saluted as admiral, 
278 ; reviews troops, 279 ; popu- 
larity of, 279 ; received at Port 
Royal, 279 ; entertainment in 
honour of, 280 ; instructions re- 
garding Morgan, 283 ; aware of 
Jamaican problems, 289 ; petitions 
to, from Jamaica, 290 ; letter to 
Lordsof Committee, 291 ; approves 
Morgan, 291 ; affairs of treasure 
ship, 293. i688^motives, 294 ; 
absolved from responsibility, 294 ; 
feud with Molesworth, 295 ; de- 
mands accounts of R. A. Co., 
295 ; speech to Assembly, 296; 
desires to defend treasure, 297 ; 
independent action, 298 ; insists 

that bills be passed by Assembly, 
299; letter to Committee, 299; dis- 
agrees with Assembly, 300 ; letter 
to Committee, 300-301 ; dissolves 
Assembly, 301 ; letter to Com- 
mittee, 302 ; conflict with Lynch, 
302 ; letter to Committee, 303 ; 
problem concerning buccaneers, 303; 
letter to Committee, 304 ; his 
intentions, lack of society, 305 ; 
letter from Lord Petre, 308 ; 
speech to Assembly, 3 10- 11 ; 
letter to Committee, 311 ; Acts 
passed under governorship, 312 ; 
employed to fight Biscayans, 313 ; 
quarrel with Lynch, 314 ; priva- 
teers surrender to, 314 ; name 
preserved, 315 ; maps and books 
belonging to, 315 ; sea-rovers 
and, 315 ; his health, 316 ; 
visits Old Harbour, 317; illness 
of, 317 ; hears of birth of Prince, 
317 ; visits Legaunee, 318 ; re- 
turns to Spanish Town, 318 ; his 
last illness, 319-20 ; last letter to 
Craven, 320 ; his death, 321 ; 
work unfinished, 322 ; memory 
neglected by friends, 322 ; his 
Acts cancelled, 323 ; treasure of, 
325 ; yacht, 325 ; letters received 
after death, 326 ; business con- 
ducted by Barwick, 328. 1689 — 
body on yacht, 330 ; money due to, 
331 note ; burial of, 334; estimate 
of, 335 ; disputes over estate, 340 ; 
intentions concerning wills, 341 ; 
petition to King, 342 ; association 
with Montagu, 344 ; Jacobite crea- 
tions, 349; monument, 353. 
Albemarle, Duchess of (Elizabeth 
Cavendish), sought in marriage, 27 ; 
her early life and character, 28 ; 
her marriage, 29 ; mother-in-law's 
jewels, 31 ; her mourning gown, 
35 ; visits Berkeley Castle, 59, 
60 ; her jealousy, 63 ; her favour- 
ites, 65 ; god-mother, 70 ; gaieties 
at Court, 71 ; gives a masque, 72 ; 
criticised by her mother, 73 ; 
letter to mother, 74 ; her servants, 
85 ; her journey to Welbeck, 87 ; 
hopes for a son, 88 ; ring of the 
Prince, 104-5 ; settlements en- 
larged, 125 ; her brother, 128 ; 
visits Welbeck, 132 ; the Chancel- 



loress, 139 ; portrait painted by 
Murrey, 156 ; her allowance, 156 ; 
delusions of, 157 ; letter to Duke, 
.157-8 ; goes to Welbeck, 160 ; 
her unfortunate behaviour, 161 ; 
mental state, 164 ; at the Cock 
Pit, 169 ; her condition described, 
170; Duchess of Newcastle's 
opinion of, 171 ; duty to her 
parents, 171 ; at York Buildings, 
172 ; indecision of, 173 ; her 
saddle-horses, 173 ; difficulties at 
Whitehall, 174 ; her reputation 
suffers, 175 ; letter to Albemarle, 
175 ; at Newcastle House, 176 ; 
vagaries, 177 ; attends the corona- 
tion, 189 ; her family affairs, 190 ; 
conducts sister to Court, 192 ; 
alarm for her husband, 196 ; letter 
to Albemarle concerning Catholics, 
205 ; letter to Albemarle concern- 
ing Feversham, 208 ; letters to 
Albemarle, 210, 213-14; improved 
domestic relations, 215 ; visits Wel- 
beck, 223 ; urges husband to alter 
will, 227; appearance of, 227; letters 
to Albemarle, 228 ; family interests 
of, 229 ; proposes Berwick, 230 ; 
employs Dr. Renwick, 230 ; criti- 
cised by PoUexfen, 231 ; spies upon 
the Duke, 232 ; to go to Jamaica, 
234 ; her niece, 251 ; importunes 
the Duke, 270; her agents, 271 ; 
letter to Margaret Cavendish, 
277 ; sails, 277 ; popularity of, 
279 ; compliments to, 280 ; sends 
presents to England, 305 ; letter 
from M. Crag(?), 306; letter from 
B. Strickland, 307 ; after death of 
Duke, 325 ; her health, 326 ; 
letter from Barwick, 328 ; plans 
for her return, 330 ; boards 
Assistance, 330 ; dislike for Lynch, 
330 ; fears of, 331 ; admires 
Orange, 332 ; changes ships, 333 ; 
lands at Plymouth, 334 ; visits 
Welbeck Abbey, 339 ; at Newhall, 
her health, 339 ; goes to Court, 
340 ; her income, 341 ; her 
mental state, 342 ; determines to 
marry, 343 ; her wealth, 344 ; 
marries Montagu, 344; rumours con- 
cerning, 347; the Mad Duchess, 348; 
comments on, 349 ; pronounced a 
lunatic, 350; death of, 352. 

Albemarle, first Duke of (George 
Monck), youthful exploit of, 3, 5; 
capture at Nantwich, 6 ; marries 
Anne Clarges, 7-8 ; birth of son 
Christopher, 9 ; established in Scot- 
land, 10; death of son George, 11 ; 
parsimony of, 12 ; wish of his 
army, 13 ; Coldstream, 15 ; in 
London, 16 ; Hampton Court 
offered to, 17; acquires Newhall, 
18; return of king, 19; created 
Duke of Albemarle, 20 ; Dutch wars 
— Great Fire, Plague, 2 1 ; directs 
Christopher's studies, 22 ; son's 
allowance, 23 ; quarrel with 
Clarges and others, 24 ; drives 
Dutch from Thames, 25 ; visitors 
at Newhall, 25, 26 ; plans for 
marriage of son, 27 ; his last 
desire, 28 ; death of, 30 ; char- 
acteristics, 30 ; lies in state at 
Somerset House, 32 ; state funeral, 
35; funeral sermon, 36; his view 
of Pride, 50; view changes, 51; 
his Irish lands, 60 ; befriends Col. 
Thos. Monck, 66 ; picture once at 
Chatsworth, 68 ; Shaftesbury his 
friend, 70 ; acquires Newhall from 
Buckingham, 97; the King's funeral 
contrasted with that of, 180 ; 
Breadalbane a friend of, 191 ; 
example of, 195 ; Stringer em- 
ployed by, 227 ; interests in West 
Indies, 243 ; his soldiers in Jamaica, 

281 ; receives booty of buccaneers, 

282 ; his marriage questioned, 346; 
mentioned, 139, 209. 

House (Clarendon House), 59 

its sins, 63 ; a masque at, 72 
Clarges deplores purchase of, 78 
purchase of, 80 and note ; gateway 
81 note ; description of, 82 
paintings by Verrio for, 84 
servants employed at, 85 ; ir 
staUation at, 140-1 ; gunsmith at 
143 ; sold, 155 ; money received 
from sale of, 156; mentioned, 

Island, 315. 

motto, 123. 

Street, 155; Piccadilly, 315; 

Clcrkenwell, 315. 

Alford, Gregory, Mayor of Lyme, 
197; misinformation from, 197. 

Algier Rose, lent to Phips, 244. 



Alice, servant at Newcastle House, 

All Souls College, Oxford, MSS. of, 
256 note. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, governor of 
New England, 289 ; difiSculties of, 
301 note. 

Angelsey, Earl of (Arthur Annesley), 
shares in R. A. Co., 285. 

Anne, Queen, acts in masque, 71 ; 
her husband, 235 ; becomes Queen, 
348 ; mentioned, 340, 349. 

Archer, Mrs., gossip of, 63 ; opinion 
of Duchess, 160. 

Argyll, Earl of (Archibald Campbell), 
expedition against James 11., 

Arlington House, entertainments at, 
125, 127. 

Arlington, Earl of (Henry Bennet), 
at Monck's funeral, 36 ; King's 
visit to, 52 ; regiment of, 55 ; 
visits fleet, 57 ; entertains Court 
at Goring House, 59 ; King visits, 
at Euston, 94 ; entertains the 
Prince of Orange, 125 ; letter from 
Conway, 149 ; shares in R. A. Co., 
285; mentioned, loi. 

Armstrong, Sir Thomas, hot words 
of. Ill ; in a coffee house, 144 ; 
in the Ryehouse Plot, 166. 

Army of General Monck, desire to 
make Monck ruler, 13. 

Armyne, Lady, letter of, 88. 

Arran, Earl of (Richard Butler), at 
entertainment, 172 ; visits Win- 
chester, 224. 

Arthur, Prince of Wales (son of 
Henry vii.), portrait of, 96. 

Arundell, R. (Baron Arundell of 
Trerice), signs petition, 163. 

Arwaker, Mr., Albemarle's chaplain, 

Ashmole, Elias (Windsor Herald), 
description by, 42 ; his learning, 

Ashton, Colonel E., elected from 
Clitheroe, 188. 

Assiento explained, 289. 

Assistance, supernumeraries on the, 
269 ; preparations on the, 273 ; 
orders concerning, 276 ; en- 
counters storms, 277 ; mentioned, 
291 ; goes to wreck, 297 ; sails 
against pirates, 300 ; prepared for 

j voyage, 330 ; log-book of, 331 ; 

abandons Duchess, 333 ; at Ply- 

mouth, 334. 
I Audley End, King entertained at, 
1 116. 

i Auwerkerck, Mr. d', mentioned, 151. 
; Axminster, fight at, 200. 


Badminton, Southwell visits, 219. 
I Bahama, mentioned, 255. 

Ballard, Colonel, offers to serve as 
judge, 299. 

Bamphfield, Sir Copplestone, men- 
tioned, 123. 

Bancks, Mr., mentioned, 215. 

Barbadoes, Sloane at, 247 ; Albe- 
marle received at, 279 ; constitu- 
tion of, 284 ; governor of, 289 ; 
mentioned, 290. 

Barber, a papist, 169. 

Barnard, Chief Justice (Jamaica), dis- 
missed, 298. 

Barn-Elms, supper at, 58. 

Barry, Colonel, difficulties of, 300. 

Barwick, Dr. Peter, comments on 
Duchess, 161 ; attends the Duchess, 
169 ; letter to Albemarle, 170 ; 
letter from Duchess of Newcastle 
to, 171 ; letter to Albemarle, 171 ; 
his methods, 172; letters to Albe- 
marle from, 173, 174, 190, 229; 
advises Albemarle, 230, 256 note ; 
consultation with, 272 ; quoted 
275 ; letter of, to Duchess, 328 ; 
advice of, 339 ; mentioned, 


Basset, game of, popularity of, 

Bath, Earl of (John Grenville), plots 
of,^rj; aids King, 18; Groom 
of the Stole, 20 ; promised K.G., 
30 ; at Monck's funeral, 36 ; in- 
fluence upon Albemarle, 63 ; Bath 
versus Montagu, 64 ; knowledge 
of Col. Thos. Monck, 65 ; son 
marries, 70 ; Albemarle's guardian, 
76 ; King's promise to, 79 ; kind- 
ness to Albemarle, 80 ; reproves 
Albemarle, 86 ; letter from Albe- 
marle, 87 ; welcomes Albemarle 
at Plymouth, 99 ; Deed of Re- 
lease in favour of, 124 ; tells his 
family, 125 ; buys lace, 157 ; 



signs petition, 163 ; at entertain- 
ment, 172 ; Bramston sent to, 
183 ; called ' Prince Elector,' 188 ; 
no longer Groom of Stole, 194 ; 
his influence with Albemarle, 212 ; 
testimony of, 224 ; Lord- Lieuten- 
ant of Devon, 225 ; Duchess 
opposes, 227 ; summoned by Albe- 
marle, 230 ; assists Albemarle, 
231 ; at Council, 255 ; accuses the 
Duchess, 270 ; comments on the 
Duke, 271 ; conversation with 
Clayton, 271 ; trustee for Albe- 
marle, 274 ; Albemarle visits, 
275 ; out of favour, 322 ; has 
possession of Albemarle's will, 340; 
to inherit Albemarle estates, 341 ; 
to be Duke of Albemarle, 342 ; 
judgments for, 342 ; lawsuit with 
Montagu, 346 ; injunctions and 
agreements, 347 ; buys rights of 
heir, 348 ; death of, 348 ; men- 
tioned, 276, 323. 

Bath, Earl of (William Henry), men- 
tioned, 348 and note. 

Lady (Jane, w. of John E. of 

Bath), her strong box, 340. 

Road, Albemarle House on, 81. 

and Wells, Bishop of, visits 

Winchester, 224. 

Beadle, verses on killing of, 49. 

Bear-baiting, Albemarle enjoys, 92 ; 
Albemarle visits a, 135. 

Beaufort, Duke of (Henry Somerset), 
stand against Monmouth, 208 ; 
writes of treasure, 251. 

Beau Lieu, name of Newhall, 95. 

Beckman, Major, an engineer, ig6. 

Beeston, Mr., a Jamaican planter, 290. 

Belasyse, John, Baron, regiment of, 
55 ; at council, 255. 

Bendlos, Mr., mentioned, 327. 

Bcnnet, William (Bishop of Cloyne), 
his register, 182. 

Benoist, Mark Antony, tutor to Lord 
Ogle, 75- 

Bentinck, William dc (Earl of Port- 
land), letter from, 66, 67 ; visits 
England, 102 ; letter to Albemarle, 

Berkeley, Earl of (George Berkeley), 

wedding anniversary, 60 ; signs 

petition, 163. 
Berkeley Castle, Duchess of Albemarle 

visits, 60. 

Berkshire, estates in, 341. 
Bermuda, mentioned, 254 ; governor 
of, 318 ; entertainment given in, 
Bertley, Lady Arrathusay, married, 

Berwick, Duke of (James Fitz- James), 
serves under Albemarle, 206 ; mar- 
riage discussed, 230. 
Best, Mr., mentioned, 23. 
Bicknacre, mentioned, 236. 
Bills (Jamaica) passed by Albemarle's 

Assembly, 311. 
Biscayans (see also Pirates), attack 

merchantmen, 313. 
Blackheath, regiments gather on, 55. 
Blagg, Mrs., acts in masque, 71. 
Blathwayt, William, letter to South- 
well, 219 ; wonders at Albemarle, 
234 ; letter to Southwell, 301 note ; 
mentioned, 327. 
Bloomsbury, house in, 344. 
Blythe, Dr. (Vice-Chancellor of Cam- 
bridge University), letter to Albe- 
marle, 181 ; controversy with 
Albemarle, 182 ; Albemarle writes 
to, 215. 
Bodnorths' farm, 46. 
Bolsover Castle, mentioned, 29. 
Bombay, Queen's dower, 82. 
Bond Street, mentioned, 82. 
Bonito, sent to treasure ship, 245. 
Boreham Church, mentioned, 80. 
Boreham HaU, Old, mentioned, 46. 
Boston (Mass.), massacre, 64 ; yacht 

goes to, 325. 
Boule (?), Mr., married, 306. 
Bourdon, Colonel, resigns, 298 ; 

writes to Committee, 299. 
Bowen, George, designs medals, 252. 
Bowers, Mr., trustee for Albemarle, 

Bowlands, bow-bearer of, 69. 
Bowles, Mr., mentioned, 224. 
Boxing match, for Albemarle, 132 ; 

for the King, 147. 
Boy Huzzar (?), sails, 256 and note ; 

at Barbadoes, 279. 
Braddock, Mr., representative of 

University, 263 and note. 
Bramston, Sir John, conversation 
with Albemarle, 182 and note ; 
sent to King, 1183 ; elected at 
Maiden, 184; describes Chelms- 
ford election, 185-6 ; Albemarle's 



orders, 197 note ; visits Albemaile, 
215 ; conversation with Albemarle 
regarding militia, 216 ; accom- 
panies Albemarle_to Whitehall, 217; 
opinion of Albemarle's conduct, 
220 ; description of stag-hunt by, 
236, 237 ; description of collation 
at Copt Hall, 238 ; describes 
Phips, 246. 

Breadalbane, Earl of (John Campbell), 
known to Albemarle, igi. 

Brent, Mr., mentioned, 327. 

Brentwood, mentioned, 236. 

Bridgewater, Monmouth enters, 


second Earl of (John Egerton), 

at Monck's funeral, 36. 
third Earl of (John Egerton), 

trustee for Albemarle, 274. 
British Museum, print in, 82 ; MSS. 

in, 205 note ; Phips' journal in, 

247 ; Sloane's collections in, 272 ; 

maps in, 315. 
Broomfield, mentioned, 237. 
Broughton, mentioned, 47 ; Jeffreys 

to buy, 251 ; mentioiacd, 270 ; 

sold, 271. 
Brown Bett}', racehorse, 223. 
Mr., servant at Newcastle House, 


Mary, a witness, 105. 

Dr., consultation with, 272. 

Philip, chaplain to Albemarle, 


Sir Thomas, letter of, 109. 

Bruorton, Mrs., mentioned, 159. 

Brussels, governor of, 103 ; Duke of 
York at, no. 

Bryne, Lieut. Terence, court-martial 
of, 66. 

Buccaneers, Jamaica settlers become, 
281 ; their commissions, 283 ; 
enrich cathedral, 292. 

Buccleuch, Countess of (Margaret), 
friend of Monck, 27. 

Buckingham, first Duke of (George 
Villiers), visits Devon, 3 ; owns 
Newhall, 96. 

second Duke of (George Vil- 
liers), at Windsor, 43 ; income of, 
46 ; characteristics, 47 ; his jeal- 
ousy, 56 ; regains Newhall, 97 ; 
in the Tower, loi ; takes no re- 
venge, 102 ; installation speech, 
138 ; example of, 155 ; farce by, 

213 note ; death, 233 ; shares in 

R. A. Co., 285. 
BuUen, Sir Thomas, owner of Newhall, 

Bullhead Inn, Monck lives in, 16. 
Biurford, King visits, 121. 
Burnet, Bishop, quoted, 122, 150. 
Burtenhead (?), Mr., mentioned, 228. 
Busby's School, Dr., Ambassador 

visits, 135. 
Butler, Mrs., an actress, 71. 
Buyse (a Brandenburger), lauds with 

Monmouth, 197. 

Cabal, strength broken, 70. 

Cadmore, Mr., petition of, 216, 217. 

Cambridge, University of, confers 
degree on Ambassador, 136 ; Chan- 
cellorship of, taken from Mon- 
mouth, given to Albemarle, 137 ; 
letters concerning installation, 13S ; 
poems concerning installation, 139 ; 
procession to Albemarle House, 
140 ; installation ceremony, 141 ; 
degree conferred upon Albemarle, 
142 ; chancellor, 152 ; installation 
mentioned, 155 ; address to the 
King, 181 ; dispute with Albemarle, 
182 ; letter from Albemarle to, 
218 ; archbishop's care for, 219 ; 
loyalty of, 262 ; controversy with 
King, 263 ; emissaries from, 264. 

University Senate, waits on 

King, 181 ; demands Albemarle's 
presence, 187. 

Vice-Chancellors of. See 

Coga, Blythe, Peachell. 

see Clare Hall. 

see Emanuel College. 

see Registry. 

see Trinity College. 

Campden, Viscount (Baptist Noel), 
signs petition, 163. 

Canterbury, Charles 11. arrives in, 

Archbishop of (Gilbert Sheldon), 

the plague, 21 ; prepares Monck 
I for death, 25. 

! (William Sancroft), Albe- 

i marie writes to, 169 ; Albemarle's 
letter to, 219. 

Carew, Sir Thomas, mentioned, r23. 

Carlisle, first Earl of (Charles Howard), 




at Monck's funeral, 36 ; his regi- 
ment, 55 ; governor of Jamaica, 
283 ; mentioned, 290. 

Carolina, Lord High Constable of, 
116; mines in, 266; Albemarle's 
lands in, 290. 

Carribbean Sea, Islands of, 243 ; 
news of treasure in, 254 ; naval 
force in, 282 ; mentioned, 284. 

Carteret, George, shares in R. A. Co., 

Grace (wife of G. Carteret), 

mentioned, 348 note. 

Carthagena, Lynch goes to, 303. 

Carwell, Madam. See Portsmouth, 
Duchess of. 

Castlehaven, Earl of (James Touchet), 
present at entertainment, 172. 

Catherine of Braganza (wife of 
Charles 11.), her birthday, 104 ; 
visits Oxford, 121 ; views wrestling 
match, 126 ; her chamberlain, 
131 ; receives as Queen Dowager, 
181 ; King with, 265 ; shares in 
R. A. Co., 285 ; return to Portugal, 
306 ; alters her mind, 308 ; receives 
the Duchess of Albemarle, 340 ; 
mentioned, 307. 

Cavendish, Lady Arabella (Lady 
Spencer), visits her sister, 63 ; 
mentioned, 277. 

Lady Elizabeth (and sec Albe- 
marle, Duchess of), description of, 
27, 28. 

family, mentioned, 28 ; prin- 
cipals of, 70, 72 ; mentioned, 129 ; 
possession of nunnery, 215 ; care 
for Duchess, 350. 

Lady Frances (Lady Glenorchy), 

marriage of, 191. 

Henry. See Newcastle, second 

Duke of. 

Lady Katherine (Lady Thanct), 

visits sister, 63, 73 ; journey to 
Newhall, 158 note ; her marriage, 

191 ; visits London, 192 ; portrait, 

192 and note; mentioned, 176, 
306, 307. 

Lady Margaret (Lady Clare 

and Duchess of Newcastle), journey 
to Newhall, 158 note; her suitors, 
229; rejects Berwick, 230; marriage 
of, 230 note, 339 ; letter from 
Duchess of Albemarle, 277 ; men- 
tioned, 176. 

Cavendish, Lord (William, first Duke 
of Devonshire), gambling of, 131 ; 
plans to save Russell, 167 ; present 
at execution, 168. 

(William, second Duke of 

Devonshire), marries, 307. 

William. See Newcastle, Duke 


Chancery, Court of, case sent, 256 ; 
suit in, 271. 

Lane, mentioned, 117. 

Chapman, William, employed by 
Albemarle, 85 ; receives ring from 
Prince, 104 ; letter to Albemarle, 
169 ; attends Bramston, 183 ; 
messages to Barwick from, 190 ; 
mentioned, 193, 332. 

Chard, militia marches from, 200. 

Charleroi, battle of, 58. 

Charles I., visits Devon, 3 ; impressed 
by Monck, 6 ; sacrifices for, 27 ; 
his daughter, 112 ; in memory of, 

Charles 11., plots for restoration of, 
13 ; restoration, 18 ; sorrow at 
death of Monck, 30 ; presides at 
Chapter of Knights of Garter, 32 ; 
affection for Albemarle, 33 ; new 
influence upon, 41 ; at Windsor, 
42 ; wears hood on wrong shoulder, 
44 ; character of Court, 47 ; 
pleasures of, 48 ; his racehorse, 
52 ; visits Arlington, 53 ; visits 
fleet, 57; at Barn-Elms, 58; 
bestows favours, 59 ; rewards 
Albemarle, 60 ; Sherwin pre- 
sented to, 69 ; friendship for 
Bath, 69 ; promise to Bath, 79, 
348 ; at Whitehall, 83 ; Albe- 
marle's favour with, 92 ; neglects 
public business, 93 ; at New- 
market, 94 ; visits Euston, 94 ; 
visits Newhall, 98 ; conversation 
with Wharton, loi ; Albemarle 
brings news to, 103 ; Popish plot 
to kill, 106 ; signs secret order, 
107 ; tries to save Danby, 108 ; 
forms New Privy Council, 109, 
no; letter from Danby, in; 
without an heir, 112 ; serious 
illness of, 112 ; his travels, 114 ; 
listens to discussion on Exclusion 
Bill, 117 ; diversions at Oxford, 
121 ; dissolves Parliament, 122 ; 
forbids duel, 124 ; Albemarle en- 



tertains at command of, 125 ; 
wrestling match at Windsor, 126-7 ; 
entertained by Albemarle at New- 
market, 128 ; gaming of, 131 ; 
receives Morocco Ambassador, 135 ; 
makes Albemarle Chancellor, 136 ; 
letter to Cambridge University 
from, 137 ; frowns on duelling, 
143 ; reconciles Albemarle and 
Grey, 144 ; discourses with Albe- 
marle, 145 ; at Windsor and 
Winchester, 147 ; entertained by 
Albemarle, 148 ; his foreign policy, 
149 ; letter to the Prince of Orange, 
149 ; request disregarded, 150 ; 
recalls Sidney, 151 ; his restora- 
tion, 159 ; petition to, 162 ; con- 
tribution of, 163 note ; Rye House 
Plot to murder, 166 ; trap for, i66 ; 
refuses pardon for Russell, 167 ; 
orders his household, 168 ; Albe- 
marle attends, 172 ; opinion of 
the Duchess, 174, 175 ; last illness, 
178 ; death, 179 ; funeral, 180 ; 
condolences for, 181 ; leaves 
money to repair Exeter Castle, 
196 ; mentioned by Monmouth, 
203, 204 ; interest in galleon, 243 ; 
receives booty of buccaneers, 282 ; 
importuned, 286 ; example of, 301 ; 
mentioned, 353. 

Charterhouse, Ormonde pleads for, 

Charters, new, 119 ; influence of, 

Chatham, Lord, his funeral, 35. 

Dutch attack on, 25. 

Chatsworth, painting at, 68. 

Chelmsford, militia of, 98; James n. 
proclaimed at, 182 ; political dis- 
cussions at, 183 ; election at, 184, 
185, 186 ; King at, 235 ; mentioned, 
158, 173- 

Chelsea, entertainment at, 59. 

Cheney, William, Lord, 256 note ; 
trustee for Albemarle, 274. 

Cheshunt, Parish of, 47. 

China, ornaments from, 82. 

Emperor of, 344, 347. 

Empress of, 347. 

Christ Church, Oxford, mentioned, 

Church of England, supporters of, 

Churchill, Arabella, her relations 

with James 11., 206 ; mother of 
H. Fitz-James, 348 note. 

Churchill, John (first Duke of Marl- 
borough), ensign at Monck's funeral, 
36 ; describes defeat of militia, 200 ; 
Albemarle writes concerning, 204 ; 
joins Albemarle, 208 ; created 
major-general, 213 ; comments on, 
by Blathwayt, 219. 

Father Thomas, directions re- 
garding, 268 ; return to England, 
304 ; receives letters from Reid, 
313 ; out of favour, 322 ; letter 
to Albemarle, 327 ; meets Bar- 
wick, 328. 

City artificers, at fire, 163. 

Clare, Lady. See Cavendish, Mar- 

Earl of (John Holies). See 

Newcastle, Duke of. 

College (Cambridge), mentioned, 

138 ; Albemarle's letters preserved 
in, 182. 

Clarendon House. See Albemarle 

• Earl of (Edward Hyde), im- 
peachment of, 23 ; traditions of, 
70 ; builds his house, 81. 

Clarges, Anne. See Albemarle, 
Duchess of. 

Lady (wife of Sir W. Clarges), 

gossip of, 125. 

Sir Thomas, an apothecary, 7 ; 

ill-treats sister, 9 ; visits Monck, 
10 ; meets Charles 11., 18 ; knighted, 
20 ; quarrels with Monck, 24 ; 
gives money to Christopher, 24 ; 
influence upon Albemarle, 63 ; 
guardian, 76 ; his mismanagement, 
^^ ; letter to Albemarle, 78 ; 
letter to Montagu, 79 ; speech by, 
III ; referred to, 159 ; defends 
Albemarle, 226; death of, 348; 
mentioned, 86. 

Sir Walter, Albemarle summons, 

143 ; second in duel, 144 ; Duchess 
flatters, 159 ; trustee for Albemarle, 
274 ; death of, 348 ; mentioned, 77, 
256 note, 347. 

Clayton, Sir Robert, his house, 270 ; 
comments on Duke, 271. 

Cleford (?), Lord, marriage of, 

Clerkenwell, house in, 175 ; church 
in, 176 note; Duchess in, 196; 



emissaries come to, 263 ; mentioned, 

Cleveland, Duchess of (Barbara 
Villiers), her house, 169 ; at Court, 

Clewer, manor of, 47 ; left to B. 
Grenville, 276. 

Clitheroe, Honour of, 47 ; member 
from, 188 ; bought by Montagu, 

Coach horses. See Horses. 

Cock Pit (house called), 19, 31, 32, 
169, 170, 173. 

Coffee House, Wh — , Albemarle quar- 
rels in, 145 ; mentioned, 144. 

Cofi&n, Richard, expostulates with 
Albemarle, 234. 

Coga, Dr. (Vice-Chancellor of Cam- 
bridge University), visits New- 
market, 136 ; informed of Mon- 
mouth's removal and Albemarle's 
appointment, 137 ; correspondence 
with Albemarle, 138 ; goes to 
London, 139 ; his speech, 141. 

Coinage of Jamaica, 312. 

Bill (Jamaica), 299. 

Colchester, Albemarle returns from, 
120 ; mentioned, 190. 

Lanes, mentioned, 185. 

Lord, in a coffee-house, 144. 

Coldstream, Monck encamps at, 

Guards, at Monck's funeral, 


Cologne, 55. 

Columbus, Christopher, his ghost, 

Committee of Petitions and Privileges, 
Albemarle a member of, 80. 

Commonwealth, Newhall during the, 
97 ; seizes Jamaica, 281. 

Compton, Henry (Bishop of London). 
See London, Bishop of. 

Constable of Carolina, Lord High, 
Albemarle, 116. 

Robert, pardoned, 50. 

Conway, Lord, letter from Ranelagh, 
104 ; interview with Vice-Chan- 
cellor, 136 ; consultation with 
Jenkins, 137 ; letter to Jenkins, 
145 ; letter to Arlington (?), 149. 

Conyers, Baron (Darcy), signs petition, 

Cooke, Colonel, writes to Ormond, 

Copplestone, John, writes to Albe- 
marle, 233 ; theorj^ of, 235. 

Copt Hall, 237, 238 ; King sups at, 

Combury, Viscount (Henry Hyde), 
48 ; letter to, 82. 

Cornish, trial of, 166 note. 

Cornwall, mentioned, 188. 

Cornwallis, Lord, marries, 308. 

Coronation of James 11., 189 ; 
mentioned, 191. 

Corpus Christi College, Oxford, men- 
tioned, 121. 

Cotton, Sea-born, mentioned, 301 

Council chamber, mentioned, 290. 

Courtney, Mr., of the Temple, 323. 

Covell, Mr., second mate, 248. 

Coventry, Henry (Secretary of State), 
his letters from Newmarket, 93-95. 

Sir William, shows Monck's 

letters, 24. 

Cox, Captain, names island, 315. 

Coxen, a pirate, 300 ; surrenders, 
314 ; mentioned, 321. 

Crag, M., letter to Duchess of Albe- 
marle, 306. 

Craven, Earl of (William Craven), 
fights plague, 21 ; at Monck's 
funeral, 35 ; steward, 147 ; at fire, 
163 ; at Council, 255 ; trustee for 
Albemarle, 2 74 ; shares in R. A. Co., 
285 ; letter from Albemarle, 320. 

Crewkern, militia marches from, 200. 

Croft, Mr., mentioned, 308. 

Cromwell, Oliver, his business, 11 ; 
death of, 12 ; friend of W. Pierre- 
pont, 27 ; buys Newhall, 97 ; his 
soldiers, 165 ; soldiers in Jamaica, 
281 ; officers buried in Jamaica, 

Richard, fall of, 15. 

Crosse, L. (the miniaturist), portrait 
of Albemarle, 91 ; portrait of 
Lady Thanet, 192. 

Crowley, William Ambrose, his 
voyages, 315. 

Crown, St. Edward's, in procession, 

Crowne, royal frigate, 64. 

Crowne, John, dramatist, 71. 

Cuba, the Bishop of, recalls Father 
Churchill, 304. 

Currant Intelligence, quoted, 128. 

Cuton Hall, mentioned, 46. 




Dalby, Jeilrcys to buy, 251 ; sold 
to Jeffreys, 271 ; mentioned, 47, 

Dalkeith House, mentioned, 11, 

Danby, Earl of (Thos. Osborne), his 
policy, 70 ; becomes K.G., 100 ; 
remonstrates with King, loi ; 
favours marriage of Prince of 
Orange, 102 ; his agreement with 
France discovered, 107 ; Albe- 
marle writes to, 108 ; endures 
calumny, no; writes letter to 
King, in; favour Prince of Orange, 
112 ; advises King from Tower, 
120 ; letter to, from Duke of 
Newcastle, 132 ; letter from New- 
castle, 161 ; letter from J. L., 162 ; 
petition in behalf of, 163 ; released, 
172 ; mentioned, 322. 

Darcy, Sir Thomas, stands for Parlia- 
ment, 183. 

Dartmouth, Earl of (see also Legge), 
with Jenkins, 166 ; Albemarle's 
letter to, 196 ; intercedes for 
Albemarle, 225 ; at stag-hunt, 
235, 236; advises King, 237; 
offered shares, 247 ; at Council, 
255 ; commands fleet, 329. 

Davis, Mrs., an actress, 71. 

Declaration of Indulgence, sent to 
Albemarle, 261. 

Deed of 1681, signed, 124 ; mentioned, 
227 ; conditions named in, 340. 

Deincourt, Lord, dances in masque, 

Delamer, Lord, trial of, 166 note. 

Denbigh, Lord, signs petition, 163 ; 
mentioned, 162. 

Denmark, Prince of, buys lace, 157 ; 
installation of, 177 ; chief mourner, 
180 ; at stag-hunt, 235, 236. 

Deptford, launching at, 114. 

Derby, Lord, proposes his brother 
for Parliament, 188. 

Derham, Sir R., appeal to, 114. 

Devon, Deputy Lieutenants of, 122 ; 
Albemarle visits, 163 ; boundaries 
of, 197 ; Albemarle resigns Lord- 
Lieutenancy of, 218; Bath, Lord- 
Lieutenant of, 225 ; men of, 234 ; 
Albemarle's Devon blood, 243 ; 
mentioned, 47. 

Devon Militia, condition of, 122-23; 

raised against Monmouth, 195 ; 

join Monmouth, 199, 201 ; refuse 

to fight, 200 ; King complains of, 

202 ; mentioned, 213. 
Divers, brought to wreck, 248 ; 

illness of, 249. 
Diving bell, Albemarle improves, 

92 ; used at wreck, 249, 250. 
Dobson, William (painter), mentioned, 

Dolman, Colonel, plots to make 

Monck king, 16-17. 
Domestick Intelligence, 133. 
Dorchester, house of, 28. 
Dorset, Earl of (Charles Sackville), 

out of favour, 223 ; from home, 

238 ; his excuses, 239. 
Lady (Mary Compton), ex- 
cuses of, 238 ; cooks supper for 

King, 239. 
Dort (Flanders), window made in. 



Dove, ship, 322. 

Dover, Lord (Henry Jermyn), 
Windsor, 252. 

Street, mentioned, 82. 

Downs, ship anchors in, 250. 

Drake, Sir Francis, picture of, 
Newhall, 97. 

Draper's Hall, Monck lives in, 16 ; 
meeting held in, 286. 

Dryden, John, mentioned, 139. 

Duel, prevented by Albemarle, 116 ; 
Albemarle prevented from fighting, 
124 ; Monmouth challenges Hali- 
fax to a, 133 ; avoided by Mon- 
mouth, 134 ; Albemarle fights a, 

Dunbarton, Earl of (George Douglas), 
mentioned, 148. 

Dunblaine, Lord (Peregrine Osborne), 
dances in masque, 71. 

Dunkirk, rumour concerning, 57 ; 
sale to French, 81. 

Dutch, descent feared, 326. 

Ambassador, at Ipswich, 


war of 1664, 21 ; war of 

1666, Christopher Monck captain 
in, 23 ; at Chatham, 25 ; war 
of 1673, Albemarle's part in, 

Dutton, Sir Ralph, greyhound cours- 
ing, 115. 



Easter, James ii. celebrates, 186-7; 

after, 188. 
Edward 11., times of, 95. 
Edward iv., father of A. Plantagenet, 
4 ; ancestor of Monck, 17. 

Elections, parliamentary', in Essex, 
108, 109; Whigs triumph in, iig, 
120 ; prospects of, 181 ; member 
for University, 182 ; at Maiden, 
183 ; at Chelmsford, 185, 186 ; at 
Clitheroe, 188; in Essex, 190; 
mentioned, 184. 

Eliot, Mr., mentioned, 52. 

Elizabeth, Queen, at Newhall, 96 ; 
her times, 283. 

EUerson, made Chief Justice, 298 ; 
Albemarle's estimate of, 299 ; 
speaker of Assembly, 309 ; speech 
of, 310 ; entertains Albemarle, 318. 

Elmore, Lieut. -Colonel, resigns judge- 
ship, 298. 

Ely, Bishop of (Mathew Wren, d.d.), 
a prisoner, 6 ; in the Tower, 7. 

Emanuel College (Cambridge), Albe- 
marle's letter at, 182. 

Emerton, Mr., case of, 147. 

Enfield, Parish of, 47. 

Ensurance Company, at fire, 163. 

Essex, Earl of (Arthur Capel), im- 
plicated in plot, 166 ; commits 
suicide, 167. 

Lady, her pew, 273. 

estates in, 46 ; election in, 

108, 109, 190 ; deputy Lieutenant 
of, 215 ; Albemarle resigns Lord 
Lieutenancy of, 218 ; hunt in, 237. 

militia, exercised by Albemarle, 

98 ; mentioned, 86. 

Euston (Arlington's house). King's 
visits to, 52, 94. 

Evelyn, John, describes Louise 
Keroualle, 41 ; visits Euston, 52 ; 
visits Berkeley Castle, 60 ; attends 
masque, 71 ; describes Albemarle 
House, 81, 82; quoted, 83; visits 
Newhall, 97, 98 ; admires Prince of 
Orange, 104 ; describes election, 
109 ; describes Stafford's trial, 117 ; 
sees a meteor, 118 ; disapproves 
of Revels, 133 ; Lionberg's supper, 
172 ; evening at Whitehall, 178 ; 
observations on Court, 180, 181 ; 
quoted, 188. 

Exchange, New, mentioned, 6. 

Old, mentioned, 129. 

Exchequer, debt to Albemarle, 251. 
Exclusion BUI, introduced, in ; 

terms of, 112 ; defeated, 116, 117 ; 

Whigs support, 120 ; attitude of 

supporters, 195. 
Exeter, Albemarle visits, 99 ; letters 

directed to, 123 ; Albemarle's 

head-quarters at, 196 ; mentioned, 

200 ; Bath, 212. 

Fairwell, Arthur (husband of Mary 
Monck), marriage, 14 ; Albemarle's 
Secretary, 69, 73, 79 ; a seat in 
Parliament for, 182 ; is not elected, 
188 ; connection with New Eng- 
land, 244 ; letter directed to, 263 ; 
mentioned, 158. 
(son of preceding), pro- 
vision for, 341. 

Mary. See Monck, Mary. 

Falcon, mentioned, 64. 
Falkland, Sir John, a Gentleman 
Adventurer, 245 ; shares of, 247 ; 
treasure received by, 251 ; at 
Windsor, 253 ; his executrix, 
256 note. 

Viscountess, 256 note. 

Fanshaw, Sir Thomas, stands for 
Parliament, 183 ; with Albemarle, 
Fenwick, John, his pardon, 50. 
Ferguson, lands with Monmouth, 

Feversham, Earl of (Louis Duras), 
goes to France, 102 ; returns to 
France, 105 ; at Oxford, 121 ; 
gaming of, 131 ; at Revels, 133 ; 
signs petition, 163 ; created 
general, 207 ; conduct at Sedge- 
moor, 213 ; elected to Order of 
Garter, 216 ; receives Albemarle's 
ofi&ces, 218; comments on, by 
Blathwayt, 219; visits Winchester, 
224; visits Albemarle, 235, 236; 
mentioned, 208, 215, 218. 
Fez, mentioned, 146 ; Ambassador 

to, 148. 
Finch, Lord, elected steward, 147. 
Finet, William, petition to Albemsurle, 

Fingal, Lady, mentioned, 306. 



Fire, Great (of London), 21. 

Fitz- James, Henry, created Duke of 

Albemarle, 348. 
Flatfoot, a racehorse, 52. 
Florida, Gulf of, 255. 
Flournay Park, 47 ; settled on C. 

Monck, 348. 
Footman (Albemarle's), boxing match 

by, 132 ; repeats Grey's words, 


Foresight, King's frigate, 253 ; sails, 
256 ; at Barbadoes, 279. 

Fountain, John (servant of Albe- 
marle), mentioned, 193, 213. 

Fox, Sir Stephen, 252. 

Foxcroft, Isaac, a Gentleman Adven- 
turer, 245 ; writes to Albemarle, 
246 ; shares of, 247 ; treasure re- 
ceived by, 251. 

France, American possessions of, 
293 ; relations with, 303. 

Francis, Alban (a Benedictine monk), 
controversy with Cambridge Uni- 
versity, 263. 

Furneys, mentioned, 47. 

Furnishings, in seventeenth century, 

Galapagos Islands, concerning the, 


Galleon, lost Spanish, 243. 

Gardiner, Dr. Samuel, Albemarle 
recommends, 169. 

Garter, Order of, insignia of, 30 ; 
Chapter held of, 32 ; installation 
at Windsor, 42 ; installation of 
Newcastle and Danby, 100; instal- 
lation of Prince George of Denmark, 
177; election held of, 216. 

Gazette, advertisement in, 54. 

Generous Hannah, Duchess boards 
the, 333. 

Gentlemen Adventurers, names of, 
245, 247 ; fears of, 250 ; grow 
prodigal, 251 ; receive medals, 
252 ; dependent on King, 253 ; 
new patent for, 254 ; petition to, 
255 ; lawsuit concerning, 347 note. 

Gerbier, Sir Balthazar, painting by, 

Gibbon, Grinling, carving by, 83. 
Glass House, Monck lives in, 16. 
Glastonbury, Monmouth goes to, 


Glenorchy, Lady. See Cavendish, 

Lord, marries, 191 ; writes, 350. 

Glentworth, mentioned, 28. 
Gloucester, Court visits, 276. 
Gloucestershire, Badminton in, 219. 
Godfrey, Colonel, second in duel, 144. 

Sir Edmondberry, murder of, 

Godolphin, Sidney, letter of, 55 ; 
attends Mass, 187; at Windsor, 252. 
Good Luck, saUs, 256 and note ; at 

Barbadoes, 279. 
Goodenough, lands with Monmouth, 

Goring House, entertainment at, 59. 
Government Houses (Jamaica), in 

disrepair, 280. 
Gower, Lady Jane Leveson, men- 
tioned, 348 note. 

W. Leveson, mentioned, 177 

Grafton, Duke of (Henry Fitz-roy), at 
Oxford, 121 ; at the Revels, 133 ; 
commands militia, 210. 
Gramont (or Grammont), Comte de, 

his memoirs, 48. 
Granville of Lansdown. See Lans- 

Gravesend, embarked from, 57. 
Green Ribbon Club, meetings of, 117. 
Gregory, Frances, nurse of the Duchess 

of Albemarle, 85. 
Grenville family, their influence, 69 ; 
opposed by Duchess, 227 ; soothe 
Albemarle, 276 ; bequests to, 342. 

Hon. Bernard : at Monck's 

funeral, 36 ; friendship for Albe- 
marle, 80 ; lives in York Buildings, 
172; comments of, 177; con- 
versation with Albemarle, 276 ; 
hears of Albemarle's death, 323. 

Sir BevU, voyage of, 5 ; his 

son, 13. 

Bevil (son of John, Earl of Bath), 

Albemarle's godson, 80; mentioned, 

George, mentioned, 347 ; created 

Duke of Albemarle, 349 and note. 

Sir John. See Bath, Earl of. 

Grey of Werke, Lord, at Essex 
election, 108 ; in gunshop, 143 ; 
duel with Albemarle, 144 ; con- 
nection with Rye House Plot, 166; 
Monmouth, 197. 



Greyhounds, coursing of, 115. 

Griffen, Esq., Edward (later Lieuten- 
ant - Colonel), his pardon, 50 ; 
letter to Albemarle, 187. 

Grimsthorp, 162. 

Grindon, manor of, dower of Eliz. 
Cavendish, 28, 47 ; mentioned, 

Grosvenor, Fulke, writes to Albe- 
marle, 2 10- II. 

Guanaboa (Jamaica), mentioned, 326 

Guards, duel of gentlemen of the, 
116 ; reformed by Albemarle, 119 ; 
criticised by Monmouth, 134 ; 
called Banditti, 145 ; criticised 
by James 11., 187 ; mentioned, 212. 

City, stop Albemarle's coach, 


Gumble, Dr., chaplain and biographer 
of Monck, ID. 

Gunsmith, repeats Grey's words, 143. 

Gwynn, Nell, an orange girl, 48 ; 
procures Buckingham's release, 
loi ; visits Oxford, 121 con- 
tribution of, 163 note. 


Habeas Corpus Act, passing of, no. 

Hack, Captain, his voyage, 315. 

Haddock, Sir Richard, sells shares, 

Haddu, Hamet Ben Hamet Ben. 
See Morocco Ambassador. 

Hadley, Ann, letter concerning 
Montagu, 349. 

Haiti. See Hispaniola. 
I Halifax, Marquis of (George Savile), 
s, marries Gertrude Pierrepont, 70 ; 
member of Privy Council, no; 
summons Duke of York, 112 ; 
speeches against the Exclusion 
Bill, 117; votes Stafford not 
guilty, 118 ; letter from Lady 
Sunderland, 131 ; challenged by 
Monmouth, 133 ; elected Steward, 
147; assists Monmouth, 177; 
attends James 11., 187. 

Hamilton, Duke of (William Douglas), 
mentioned, 172. 

Hampstead, mentioned, 173; Duchess 
removes to, 174. 

Hampton Court Palace, offered to 
Monck, 1 7 ; Newhall resembles. 

97 ; King at, 114 ; Privy Council 
meets at, 255. 
Handkerchief Reef, ship aground on, 

Hannis, Mrs., meets Chapman, 169. 
Harle}', Abigail, letter concerning 

Montagu, 349. 
Sir Edward, letter from Mar- 
vel, 101-2. 
Harrington, William, letter of, 108. 
Harwich, news from, 53 ; Albemarle 
waits at, 103 ; election at, 1S2 ; 
Pepys wishes seat, 188. 
Hatfield, stag killed near, 237. 
Havre, Due de, letter of, 58. 
Hawkeshoase (?), mentioned, 47. 
Henrietta Maria, shares in R. A. Co., 

Henry, The, sent to treasure ship, 

247, 248. 
Henry vii., his chapel, 35, 96, 
180, 353 ; owns Newhall, 95 ; his 
son Arthur, 96; mentioned, 211 
Henry viii., befriends A. Plantagenet, 
4 ; owns Newhall, 95 ; dislikes 
window, 96 ; feast at Newhall, 
Herbert, Admiral, supports Albe- 
marle, 209. 

Lord, criticises the guard, 143. 

Hereford, mentioned, 47. 
Hicks, Sir W., mentioned, 238. 
Hispaniola (Haiti), galleon lost off, 

244, 245, 248 ; mentioned, 255. 
Historical MSS. Commission Report, 

Hobbs, Mr., consultation with, 272. 
Holland, Shaftesbury dies in, 166 ; 
activities of Monmouth in, 195 ; 
troops recalled from, 207. 
Hollanders, activities of, 285. 
Holmes, Sir Robert, Commissioner 
for Suppression of Piracy, 302 ; 
asks pardon for pirates, 313 ; 
mentioned, 314, 326. 
Holy Sepulchre, Sisters of, present 

owners of Newhall, 96. 
Honduras, Bay of, 300. 
Honey wood, Mr., and election in 

Essex, 108. 
Horses, Albemarle's coach, 102, 103, 

151 and note. 
Horses, Albemarle's race, 116, 123 
note ; win at Winchester, 223. 



Horses, saddle, 148 ; Duchess's, 

173, 174- 

Hounslow Heath, dinner on, 273. 

House of Commons (see also Parlia- 
ment), Christopher Monck a mem- 
ber of, 23, 37 ; a seat in, 69 ; 
Montagu elected to, 107 ; speeches 
against Duke of York, 11 1 ; anger 
over the failure of Exclusion Bill, 
117; insists on passing Exclusion 
Bill, 122 ; Ambassador visits, 135 ; 
discuss conduct of militia, 226. 

House of Lords (see also Parliament), 
appoints Albemarle's guardians, 
76 ; Albemarle takes his seat in 
80 ; Albemarle constant in attend- 
ance on, no ; defeats Exclusion 
Bill, 116-17; Ambassador visits, 
135 ; Albemarle's last visit to, 273 ; 
Duchess brought to, 347. 

Howard of Escrick, Lord, turns in- 
former, 166. 

Sir Philip, at Monck's funeral, 

36; dies as Governor of Jamaica, 
234, 240 note ; his Governorship, 

Hyde, Mrs. Bridget, case of, 147 and 

Laurence, at the Revels, 133. 

Park, review in, 187. 

iNCHiguiN, Earl of (William 
O'Brien), Governor of Jamaica, 
323 ; letter to Committee, 324. 

India, diving learned in, 246. 

Ingoldsby, Sir Henry, quarrels with 
Albemarle, 145. 

Ipswich, Dutch Ambassador waits 
at, 103. 

Ireland, Monck property in, 47, 60; 
mentioned, 284. 

Ivy, Colonel, arrested, 309. 

Jacobs, a pirate, 300. 

Jamaica, rumours concerning Gover- 
norship, 233 ; Howard, Governor 
of, 233 ; Albemarle accepts 
Governorship of, 234 ; Albemarle's 
interest in, 243 ; acting Governor 
of, 244 ; provisions from, 250 ; 
expeditions from, 254 ; edicts un- 

popular in, 261 ; knighthood 
in, 266 ; Spaniards to settle 
in, 268 ; Roman Catholics in, 
268 ; Father Churchill In, 269 ; 
preparations for, 272 ; discon- 
tented party in, 280 ; history 
of, 281 passim ; prosperous, 282 ; 
l^oyning's Act enforced in, 284 ; 
constitution for, 284 ; coinage of, 
287 ; criminals shipped to, 287 ; 
grievances against R. A. Co., 287 ; 
grievances, 289 ; description of, 
292 ; Governor's speech, 296 ; 
election, 309 ; condition of, 310 ; 
agent for, in England, 311 ; unruly 
element in, 325 ; militia guards 
Duchess, 325 ; without news, 329 ; 
mentioned, 235, 275. 

Jamaica Assembly, under Poyning's 
Act, 284 ; malcontent, 300 ; desire 
to adjourn, 297. 

Council of plan to receive 

Albemarle, 280 ; meeting of, 293 ; 
prevent Albemarle from leaving 
island, 297 ; meet, 320 ; protect 
Duchess, 325-6 ; Duchess thanks, 

General Court of, 297. 

Grand Court of, 298. 

Governors of. See Modyford, 

Morgan, Vaughan, Carlisle, Thomas 
Lynch, Howard, Albemarle, Inchi- 

Revenue Bills, disputes over, 


James i., usage in his time, 44 ; 
favourite residence, 46. 

James 11. (see also York, Duke of) 
reforms Court, 180 ; interest in 
election, 182-3 ', proclaimed at 
Chelmsford, 182 ; orders Mass in 
the Abbey, 186 ; criticises Guards, 
187 ; his bigotry, 188 ; corona- 
tion of, 189 ; thanked by New- 
castle, 191 ; forms household, 194; 
protests to Prince of Orange, 195 ; 
orders to Albemarle, 198 ; letter of, 
concerning Monmouth, 199 ; letter 
from Churchill, 200 ; complains 
of militia, 202 ; compliments 
Albemarle, 205 ; his son, Berwick, 

206 ; misunderstands militia, 207 ; 
gives command to Feversham, 

207 ; orders to Albemarle, 212 ; 
desires an army, 216 ; reproaches 



Albemarle, 217; accepts Albe- 
marle's resignations, 218 ; other 
acts ot, 223 ; attends races at 
Winchester, 224 ; forgives Albe- 
marle, 225 ; his speech, 226 ; 
to visit Newhall, 233 ; confers 
Governorship on Albemarle, 234 ; 
arrives at Chelmsford, 235 ; stag- 
hunt at Newhall, 236 ; visits 
Albemarle, 237 ; supper at Copt 
Hall, 238 ; letter to Prince of 
Orange, 239 ; promise to Albe- 
marle, 245 ; patent to Albemarle, 
246 ; share of treasure, 247 ; 
rumours concerning treasure, 251 ; 
orders medals struck, 252 ; further 
patents for treasure, 253 ; knights 
Phips, 254 ; at Hampton Court, 
255 ; attack on Cambridge Uni- 
versity, 262 ; Albemaile inter- 
cedes for University with, 263 ; 
anger at University, 265 ; grants 
to Albemarle, 266 ; care for R. A. 
Co., 267 ; orders to Albemarle, 
268 ; entertains Albemarle, 272 ; 
visits Gloucester, 276 ; reports to, 
279 ; Albemarle petitions, 290 ; 
proclamation of, 293 ; the King's 
dues, 294 ; opinion of Jamaica, 
296; warning to Albemarle, 297; 
confirms Albemarle's acts, 299 ; 
affronted by Bishop of Cuba, 304 ; 
his proposals, 311; gives further 
powers to Albemarle, 313; birth 
of son, 317; news of Albemarle's 
death brought to, 322 ; cancels 
Albemarle's acts, 323 ; flight of, 
323 ; Wright's loyalty to, 332 ; in 
France, 334 ; Albemarle's loyalty 
to, 335 ; creates son Duke of Albe- 
marle, 348; mentioned, 193, 291, 
308, 310, 349. 

James and Mary, sent to treasure 
ship, 246, 248, 249 ; medal shows, 

Japan, furnishings from, 82. 

Jeffrey's, Lord Chancellor, Albe- 
marle in treaty with, 251 ; Council 
meeting, 255 ; presides, 265 ; 
mentioned, 270; buys estates, 271. 

Jenkins, Sir Leoline, consults with 
Conway, 137 ; letter from Conway, 
145 ; Keeling confesses to, 166 ; 
MSS. of, 256 note. 

Jennings, Mrs. (later the Duchess of 

Marlborough), acts in masque, 

Jerimiah, servant at Newcastle 

House, 176. 
Jesuit missionaries, curios sent by, 

Jetty Guavos, Governor of, 303. 
Jones, Inigo, paintings at Newhall 

designed by, 97. 
Jonson, Mrs., mentioned, 159. 

Katherine of Arragon, portrait 

of, 96. 
Keeling, Josiah, confesses Rye House 

Plot, 166. 
Kelly, Smith, Provost Marshal of 

Jamaica, 293. 
Kensington, Albemarle's body in, 


Kent, searcher for, 156. 

Kenyon, R., correspondence with 
Albemarle, 188. 

Keroualle, Louise de. See Ports- 
mouth, Duchess of. 

Killigrew, Sir Peter, his house, 10. 

King's Bench, mentioned, 193. 

College (Cambridge), 263 note. 

Evil, Monmouth touches for, 


Head Tavern, meetings at the, 


Houses (Jamaica) out of re- 
pair, 280 ; repairs on, 316 ; men- 
tioned, 318 ; Duchess leaves, 326. 

Troop of Horse, mentioned, 145. 

Kirke, Colonel Percy, brings rein- 
forcements, 198. 

Kirke's lambs, in the west, 213. 

Kneller, Sir Godfrey, portrait of 
Monmouth, 263. 

Knight, Mr., a judge, 299. 

Major Ralph, criticises bill, 

300 ; Commissioner to England, 
321 ; arrives in England, 322. 

Konigsmark, Count, pursues Lady 
Ogle, 129. 

Ladies'" Visiting Day, mentioned, 

345 note. 
Lambert, General, mentioned, 15. 
Lambeth Ale, Albemarle drinks, 

Palace, garrisoned, 120. 



Lancashire, mentioned, 47, 188, 347. 

Lansdown, Lady (Martha Osborne), 
gossips, 125. 

Lord (Charles Grenville), mar- 
ries, 70 ; intimacy with Albemarle, 
80 ; death of, 348. 

Lanyon, Philip, letter to Williamson, 

La Salle, discoveries of, 293. 

Lascelles, Captain George, 21 note. 

Lassels, Mrs. (Lascelles ?), 31. 

Latton, William, Albemarle's secre- 
tary, 269 and note. 

Lauderdale, Duke of (John Maitland), 
mentioned, 100; votes Stafford 
guilty, 118. 

Legaunee (Jamaica), Albemarle visits, 
318 ; return from, 319. 

Legge, Colonel George, quarrel with 
Albemarle, 124 ; and see Dart- 

Leicester, Earl of (Robert Sidney), 
5, 70. 

Lely, Sir Peter, portrait of Duchess 
of Albemarle, 29. 

Le Neve or Neuve, John, 22 and note. 

Levet, Dorothy, a witness, 105. 

Lime Avenue at Newhall, 98. 

Lincolnshire, 47 ; estates in, 341. 

Lincoln's Inn Fields, mentioned, 167. 

Lindsay, Lord, 162, 163. 

Lionberg (Swedish Resident), enter- 
tainment by, 172. 

Lisbon, mentioned, 308. 

Lisle, Lady, son's christening, 70. 

Littleton, Thomas, letter from Har- 
rington, 108. 

The Lizard, mentioned, 277. 

London, Albemarle goes to, 123 ; 
Vice-Chancellor goes to, 138-40 ; 
Feast of Apprentices of, 147 ; fire 
in, 163 ; cold weather in, 168 ; 
streets of, 227. 

Bishop of (Henry Compton), 

powers of, 262 ; appoints Albe- 
marle's chaplain, 269 ; letter from 
George Reid to, 298. 

Lord Mayor of, at fire, 163. 

Long, representative of Jamaica, 

Lords. See House of. 

Louis XIV., his influence, 41 ; army 
of, 57; understanding with, 122; 
interest in treasure ship, 243 ; 
mentioned, 53, 149. 

Loyal Impartial Mercury, quotation 
from, 146. 

Loyal Protestant, quotation from, 126. 

Loyd, Mr., servant of Albemarle, 171 ; 
message by, 172. 

Lucas, Lord, reports conversation, 

Lumley of Lumley Castle, Baron 
(Richard), signs petition, 163. 

Lunacy Commissioners, finding of, 

Luther, Mr., stands for Parliament, 
184 ; defeated, 186. 

Lutterell, Col., order from Albemarle 
to, 200. 

Luttrell, Narcissus, quotation from, 
133 ; MSS. of, 256 note. 

Lymbyry, Albemarle's steward, 54 ; 
at Albemarle House, 84. 

Lyme Regis, inhabitants join Mon- 
mouth, 197; mayor of, 197; mayor 
exaggerates, 198 ; mentioned, 199 ; 
Monmouth leaves, 200 ; secured 
by Albemarle, 209. 

Lynch, Stephen, deputy of Holmes, 
302 ; seizes pirates' goods, 303 ; 
accepts bribes, 304 ; conflicting 
stories, 313 ; quarrel with Albe- 
marle, 314, 316 ; his behaviour, 
320 ; pirates surrendered to, 321 ; 
mentioned, 326 ; boards Assist- 
ance, 330. 

■ • Sir Thomas, Governor of 

Jamaica, 284 ; death of, 288 and 
note ; mentioned, 298. 


Macaulay, T. B., referred to, 209. 

Macbeth, Ambassador sees, 135. 

Madeira, Island of, Albemarle lands 
at, 278-9. 

- — — wine, Albemarle drinks, 305. 

Magdalene College, Cambridge, mas- 
ter of, 263. 

Maiden, Bramston elected at 183-4 ; 
mentioned, 190. 

Manchester, Earl of (Edward Mon- 
tagu), at Whitehall, 32. 

— — Lady, her marriage, 306. 

Mancini, Hortense (Madam Mazarins) , 
gaming at her house, 131 ; Albe- 
marle plays at, 155 ; Evelyn sees, 

Marlborough, Duke of. See Churchill, 




Marvell, Andrew, verses on Clarendon 

House, 8i ; letter to Harley, loi. 
Mary i. (Queen of England), at 

Newfaall, 96. 
Mary 11. (Queen of England), acts 

in masque, 71 ; marries William 

of Orange, 102-4 ! becomes Queen, 

340 ; death of, 348. 
Mary of Modena (wife of James 11.), 

disorder in her household, 180 ; 

receives as Queen, 181 ; her 

jewels, 189 ; treasure given to, 

252 ; her health, 306, 307. 
Masque of Calisto or The Chaste 

Nymph, given at Whitehall, 71. 
Massachusetts Bay Colony, Phips 

governor of, 254. 

Plantations, mentioned, 64, 244. 

Mather, Increase, 301 note. 

Maynard, signs petition, 163. 

Sergeant, prosecutes Stafford, 

Sir William, stands for Parlia- 
ment, 183 ; with Albemarle, 185. 
Mazarins, Madam. See Mancini. 
Medals, in honour of treasure, 252. 
Medici, Cosmo dei. See Tuscany, 

Grand Duke of. 
Melford, Earl of (John Drummond), 

at Council, 255. 
Mell, Mr., mentioned, 328. 
Meteor seen, 118. 
Mexico, 280. 
Middlesex, county of, mentioned, 47, 


Earl of (Chas. Sackville), loi. 

Middleton, Sir Thomas, elected for 

Harwich, 119. 
Earl of (Charles Middleton), 

writes to Albemarle, 179 ; at 

Council meeting, 255 ; Secretary 

of State, 327. 
Midgeham, Hall and Tide Mills, 

mentioned, 47 ; manor of, 341. 
Mildmay, Colonel, candidate for 

election, 108 ; his nose pulled, 109. 
Mildmay, Mr., stands for election, 

184 ; defeated, 186. 
MUdmay, Sir E., election in Essex, 

MiUtia. See Devon, Essex, etc. 
Mills, Honour, niurse to Christopher, 

10 ; a witness, 346. 
Minstephcns, Mr., mentioned, 327. 
Mississippi River, discovered, 293. 

Modyford, Sir Thomas, Governor 
of Jamaica, 281 ; cousin of George 
Monck, 282 ; gives commissions 
to buccaneers, 283 ; connection 
with Monck, 290. 

Molesworth, Colonel Hender, report 
from, 244 ; directions regarding, 
268 ; perquisites of, 270 ; receives 
Albemarle, 279-80 ; factor of 
R. A. Co., 288 ; neglects King's 
dues, 293 ; disregards Albemarle, 
294 ; grievances of, 295 ; his 
debts, 295 ; returns to England, 
295 ; mentioned, 298 ; complaints 
of, 321 ; death of, 323 ; Father 
Churchill's estimate of, 328. 

Monck, Lord, mentioned, 342. 

of Patheridge, Baron, title 

mentioned, 342. 

Anne (Clarges). See Albemarle, 

Duchess of. 

Christopher. See Albemarle, 

second Duke of. 

Christopher, killed in 1774, 64. 

(son of Col. T. Monck), 

an orphan, 67 ; claim on Albe- 
marle estate, 68 ; Duchess be- 
friends, 227 ; negotiations with, 

Elizabeth (wife of T. Pride), 

her marriage, 50 ; sells Pothcridge, 
346; mentioned, 159. 

(wife of C. Rawlinson), 

her husband, 69. 

estates of, 46, 47 ; dissipation 

of, 155- 

Frances (sister of George Monck), 

letter from, 7 ; her husband, 22 

family, interest in Carribbean 

Sea, 243; monument to, 341, 353; 
suit of, 346. 

George. See Albemarle, first 

Duke of. 

(infant son of G. Monck), 

death of, 11. 

Henry (son of Col. T. Monck), 

an orphan, 67 ; claim on Albe- 
marle estates, 68 ; Duchess be- 
friends, 227. 

(of Ireland), inheritance 

of, 342. 

Mary (wife of A. Fairwell), 

playfellow of Christopher, 12 ; 
marries Fairwell, 14 ; in Albe- 



marie household, 63 ; her husband, 
69 ; letter to Albemarle, 158, 159, 
160 ; Albemarle's provision for, 

Monck, Nicholas (Bishop of Hereford), 
his daughter, 12 ; plots of, 13 ; 
journey to Scotland, 14 ; made 
bishop, 20 ; mentioned, 69, 158. 

Colonel Thomas, his story, 65, 

66 ; his death, 67 ; speculations 
concerning, 68 ; Essex's favours 
to, 78 ; Duchess befriends, 227 ; 
inheritance of, 342 ; death of, 342. 

Captain Thomas, his story, 64 ; 

defends the wreck, 297 ; goes to 
Boston, 325. 

Sir Thomas, meets the King, 4. 

Monmouth, Duchess of (Lady Anne 
Scott, Countess of Buccleuch), 
sought as wife for Christopher 
Monck, 27; buys lace, 157; her 
second marriage, 308. 

Duke of (James Scott), marries, 

27 ; at Chapter of Order of Garter, 
32 ; at Windsor, 43 ; his evil life, 
48 ; murder of beadle, 49 ; his 
pardon, 50 ; popularity of, 59 ; 
Shaftesbury's interest in, 70 ; 
acts in masque, 71 ; remonstrates 
with King, loi ; goes to France, 
102, 105 ; accuses Danby, no ; 
story of black box, 112 ; defies 
King, 113 ; speaks for Exclusion 
Bill, 117; votes Stafford guilty, 
118; racehorses of, 123 note; 
challenges Halifax, 133 ; avoids 
duel with Albemarle, 134 ; en- 
tertains Ambassador, 135; de- 
prived of Chancellorship, 136, 
137 ; installation of, 138 ; plots 
against Albemarle, 143 ; quarrel 
with Albemarle, 145 ; complains 
to King, 146 ; connection with Rye 
House Plot, 166 ; corresponds 
with King, 177 ; refuses to re- 
cognise James 11., 195 ; sails for 
England, 196 ; raises standard, 
197; news of landing of, 198; 
proclaimed traitor, 199 ; defeats 
militia at Axminster, 200 ; wel- 
comed at Taunton, 201 ; pro- 
claimed King, 202 ; invitation to 
Albemarle, 203 and note ; reply 
from Albemarle, 204 ; beyond 
hope of pardon, 205 ; Berwick 

serves against, 206 ; surrounded, 
208 ; realises position, 209 ; at 
Sedgemoor, 211 ; capture of, 213 ; 
execution of, 214 ; mentioned, 
245 ; portrait burned, 263 ; trans- 
portation of rebels, 312 note. 

Montagu family, friendly to Albe- 
marle, 70. 

of Beaulieu, Lord, his MSS., 67. 

of Boughton, Baron (Edward 

Montagu), befriends Elizabeth 
Pride, 5r ; letter from Clarges, 79. 

Mr., mentioned, 306. 

House, Bloomsbiury, wall-paint- 
ings in, 83 ; rebuilt, 347. 

Whitehall, letters pre- 
served at, 164 ; Albemarle MSS. 
preserved at, 350. ■ 

Ralph (first Duke of), marriage 

of, 60 ; house of, 83 ; betrays 
Danby, 107 ; marriage of, 129 ; 
woos Duchess of Albemarle, 344 ; 
marries, 345 ; law-suit against Bath, 
346 ; agreement with Bath, 347 ; 
created Duke, 348 ; death of, 349 ; 
mentioned, 350. 

Monthermer, Viscount (see also 
Montagu, Ralph), mentioned, 344. 

The Moon, influence upon Albemarle, 


Moote Park, near Windsor, 47. 

Moray, Lord, writes of Monmouth, 
205 ; at Council, 255. 

Mordaunt, Lady Mary, acts in 
masque, 71. 

Lord (Charles), expedition under, 

254 ; threatens treasure ship, 297 ; 
300, 307. 

Morgan, Sir Henry, leadership of, 281; 
sacks Panama, 283 ; is knighted, 
283 ; Albemarle approves him, 
291 and note ; society of, 305 ; 
restored to Council, 313 ; death 
of, 317 ; funeral, 318. 

Morocco, Ambassador from (Hamet 
ben Hamet ben Haddu), arrival 
of, 134 ; portrait, 134 note ; sees 
London, 135 ; visits Newmarket 
and Cambridge, 136 ; at Albe- 
marle's installation, 142 ; visits 
Newhall, 146 ; letter to Albemarle, 
147 ; mentioned, 155 ; cited as 
precedent, 265. 

Emperor of, present to King 

Charles, 135 ; treaty with, 146. 




Morris, William, in plot, i8 ; in 

Parliament, 23. 
Moss, Dr. (dean of Ely), letter to, 

269 note. 
Mozet, Diego, slave merchant, 268. 
Mulgrave, Earl of (John Sheffield), 

at Monck's funeral, 36 ; regiment 

of, 55 ; an active colonel, 56 ; 

goes to Holland, 105. 
Murrey, T. (the artist), paints 

Duke and Duchess of Albemarle, 



Nantwich, Monck captured at, 6. 

Narborough, Sir John, a Gentleman 
Adventurer, 245 ; writes to Albe- 
marle, 246 ; shares of, 247 ; 
treasure received, 251 ; at Windsor, 
253; commands second expedition, 
253 ; sails, 256 ; executors, 256 
note ; at Barbadoes, 279 ; de- 
fends the wreck, 297 ; mentioned, 


Nassau, Prince of (Frederick Henry), 
Monck serves under, 5. 

Needham, Colonel, a judge, 299. 

N-ellthorpe, lands with Monmouth, 

Neptune, on medal, 252. 

Netherlands, English troops in, 149. 

Nevis, Albemarle received at, 279. 

Newbury, fight at, 226. 

Newcastle, Duke of (Henry Caven- 
dish), a Knight of the Garter, 100; 
remains in country, 107 ; a Privy 
Councillor, no; votes Stafford 
not guilty, 118 ; consulted by 
Albemarle, 125 ; letter to Danby, 
132 ; condition of daughter, 161 ; 
signs petition, 163 ; Glenorchy 
reconamended to, 191 ; letter to 
Sunderland, 191 ; visits daughter, 
192 ; disposition of estates, 229 ; 
favours Berwick, 230 ; congratu- 
lates Albemarle, 235 ; trustee for 
Albemarle, 274 ; mentioned, 322 ; 
loyalty to King James, 329 and 
note ; consents to marriage, 339 ; 
mentioned, 340 and note ; re- 
marks on daughter, 342 ; suit over 
his will, 343. See also Ogle. 

(John Holies), marriage of, 

339 ; mentioned, 349 and note ; 

guardian of Duchess of Albemarle, 
350. See also Clare, Earl of. 

Newcastle, Duke of (William Caven- 
dish), his granddaughter, 27, 28 ; 
affairs of, 54 ; Albemarle's letters 
to, 75 ; loneliness of the, 87 ; death 
of, 100. 

Duchess of (Frances Pierrepont), 

goes to Welbeck, 132 ; letter of 
thanks from, 156 ; letter to 
Duchess of Albemarle, 158 note ; 
her daughter's behavioiur, 161 ; 
displeasure of, 170 ; letter to 
Barwick, 171 ; letter to Lady E. 
Pierrepont, 176 ; anxieties of, 228 ; 
marriage of daughter Margaret, 
229 ; disapproves of Berwick, 229 ; 
message to, 329 ; her politics, 339 ; 
custodian of will, 340; opinion of 
daughter, 343. 

(Margaret Lucas), con- 
sulted, 28 ; death, 72, 87. 

mentioned, 229. 

House, servant at, 171 ; offered 

to Albemarle, 175 ; letter con- 
cerning, 176 ; Albemarle lives at, 
177 ; mentioned, 181 ; descrip- 
tion of, 215 ; Bath visits, 231 ; 
mentioned, 233, 271, 344. 

New England, Dominion of, Lieut. - 
Governor of, 245 ; Sabbath ob- 
servance in, 249 ; mines in, 266 ; 
mentioned, 252, 289. 

Newhall, acquired by Monck, 18 ; 
visitors at, 25, 26, 46, 80 ; servants 
at, 86, 93 ; King to visit, 94 ; 
description of, 95-97 ; owners of, 
96 ; Albemarle at, 122 ; Prince of 
Orange visits, 128 ; Albemarle at, 
139; Albemarle leaves, 140; 
Morocco Ambassador entertained 
at, 146 ; Christmas spent at, 163 ; 
fishing at, 164; Barwick prefers, 
173; procession from, 184; Albe- 
marle remains at, 187 ; Albemarle 
retires to, 223 ; use of, 227 ; 
hunting pai'ty at, 235 ; King sups 
at, 236 ; stag in forest, 237 ; King 
writes of, 239 ; papers left at, 
274 ; Duchess retires to, 339 ; 
disposition of, 341 ; mentioned, 
223, 308, 344- 
Newly Manor, 47. 

Newmarket, 52 ; races of 1676, 93 ; 
Court leaves, 95 ; Court at, 103 ; 



Albemarle's horse races at, 115-6, 
123 note ; Albemarle entertains 
King at, 128; Court and Ambas- 
sador visit, 136; Court at, 149; 
horse races at, 155 ; mentioned, 
164 ; return from, 166 ; fire at, 

Newport, Lord, visits Winchester, 

Nicholson, Francis, a Gentleman 
Adventurer, 245 ; shares of, 247 ; 
treasure received by, 251, 256 

Noel, Mrs., mentioned, 306. 

Nonconformists, strength of, 112. 

Nottingham Castle, mentioned, 29, 
132 ; gallery of, 156 ; Knight 
Marshall visits, 229 ; mentioned, 

Norreys, signs petition, 163. 

North America, mentioned, 293. 

Northampton, Lady, 238, 239. 

Northumberland, Lady, neglect of 
granddaughter, 129. 

(Elizabeth Wriothesley), 

marries Montagu, 60, 129. 

Earl of (Algernon Percy), his 

widow, 60 ; his daughter, 128. 

(George Fitz-Roy), suitor 

for Lady Margaret Cavendish, 229. 

House, procession forms at, 140, 


Norton Disney, 47. 

Norwich, election 109. 


Gates, Titus, and the Popish Plot, 

Ogle, Lady (Elizabeth Percy), marries 
Lord Ogle, 128 ; disappearance of, 
129 ; marries Duke of Somerset, 

Lord (son of second Duke of 

Newcastle), marriage and death, 

Baron (Henry Cavendish) (see 

also Newcastle, second Duke of), 
his daughter Elizabeth, 27 ; gives 
dower, 28 ; his regiment, 55 ; 
friend of Danby, 70 ; visits 
Duchess of Albemarle, 74 ; care 
of father, 87 ; praises Newhall, 
98 ; becomes Duke of Newcastle, 

• xoo. 

Ogle, Lady (Frances Pierrepont, wife 
of H. Cavendish) (see also Duchess 
of Newcastle), her daughter Eliza- 
beth, 27 ; present at wedding, 29 ; 
with Duchess of Albemarle, 31 ; 
visits Duchess of Albemarle, 32 ; 
upbraids Duchess of Albemarle, 
72 ; letter of admonition from, 73, 
74 ; warned against Clarges, 76 ; 
letter from Lady Armyne, 88 ; 
becomes Duchess of Newcastle, 

Oglethorpe, Colonel, attacks Mon- 
mouth, 208. 

Old Bailey, mentioned, 167. 

Harbour, Albemarle visits, 316. 

Jewry, house in, 27T. 

Pretender (James), birth of, 317 ; 

celebration in honour of, 318 ; 
redeems promise, 349. 

Oldmixon, favours Monmouth, 200 ; 
describes fight at Axminster, 201. 

Orange Tree, a frigate, 286. 

Orange, WilHam, Prince of (Wilham 
III.), negotiations for marriage of, 
102 ; received by Albemarle, 103 ; 
marriage of, 104; letter from Duke 
of York, III ; heir to English 
throne, 111-12 ; fetes in honour of, 
125, 126, 127, 128 ; letter from 
Albemarle, 148 ; receives saddle- 
horse from Albemarle, 148 ; letter 
from Charles 11., 149 ; gives com- 
mand to Sidney, 150 ; letter from 
James 11., 179 ; receives protests 
from James 11., 195 ; letter con- 
cerning Monmouth, 199 ; letter 
from James 11., 202 ; letter from 
James 11., 239 ; interest in treasure, 
254 ; Governor of R. A. Co., 296 ; 
lands at Torbay, 322 ; proclama- 
tion against, 329 ; Montagu's 
services to, 344 ; death of, 348 ; 
mentioned, 53, 237. 

Orleans, Duchess of (Henrietta 
Stuart), visits England, 41 ; death 
of, 48 ; shares in R. A. Co., 285. 

Ormonde, Earl of (Thos. Boteler), 
owns Newhall, 95. 

Duke of (James Butler), arrests 

Monck, 5 ; at Whitehall, 32 ; at 
Monck's funeral, 36 ; at installa- 
tion, 43 ; his income, 46 ; letter 
from Cooke to, 115 ; elected 
Steward, 147 ; attends James 11., 



187 ; at Council, 255 ; pleads for 
Oxford, 265. 

Osborne, Martha, marries Lord Laus- 
down, 70. 

Thomas. See Danby, Earl of. 

Ossley, Mr., wins a race, 116. 

Ossory, Earl of (Thomas Butler), 
Monck writes to, 66 ; in Holland, 
102, 105 ; death of, 148 ; King's 
comments on, 150. 

Ostend, Albemarle lands at, 102. 

Oxford, Earl of (Aubrey de Verc), 
at Whitehall, 32 ; at installation, 
43; referred to, 130; signs peti- 
tion, 163 ; goes to Chelmsford, 
182 ; out of favour, 223 ; concern 
for Albemarle, 224. 

(Edward Harley), notes 

on Russell, 168 ; notes on treasure, 
251, 252 ; letter from Dr. Strat- 
ford, 269; quoted, 352. 

Parliament sits at, 120, 121, 122. 

University, preparations for 

Parliament, 120-2 ; Ormonde pleads 
for, 265. 

Pacific Ocean, Islands in, 315. 

Panama, sack of, 283. 

Panton, throws candlestick, 160. 

Papists put out of the Guard, 119. 

Parker, Sir PhUip, elected for Har- 
wich, 119 note. 

Parliament, offers Hampton Court 
to Monck, 17 ; dissolved, 108 ; 
storm brewing in, no ; tries Staf- 
ford, 117; dissolved, 119; prepara- 
tions for new, 120; sits at Oxford, 
121; dissolved by King, 122; pro- 
spect of election, 181; meets, 192; 
comments on Monmouth's Re- 
bellion, 197 ; proclaims Monmouth 
traitor, 199 ; statistics for, 216 ; 
mentioned, 225 ; King's speech to, 
226 ; act of, 264. 

Patents, for treasure ship, 246 ; 
second patent for treasure ship, 
254 ; for mines, 266 ; to confer 
knighthood, 266 ; as commander- 
in-chief, 267. 

Paulson, a Jesuit, 114. 

Peachell, Dr. (Vice-Chancellor of 
Cambridge), appeals to Albemarle, 
263 ; letter to Albemarle, 264 ; 

King offended by letter of, 265 ; 
tried and deposed, 265. 

Peak, Major, a judge, 299 ; enter- 
tains Albemarle, 317. 

Pembroke, Earl of (Thomas Herbert), 
wrestling match, 126 ; checks 
Monmouth, 208. 

Penhallow, Major, resigns, 298 ; 
Albemarle writes of, 299. 

Tennecke, John, letter of, 48. 

Pepys, Samuel, criticises Monck, 21 
note ; quotations from, 24 ; elec- 
tion of, 1 81-2 ; demands Har- 
wich seat, 188 ; mentioned, 237 ; 
at Windsor, 252 ; at debate, 253. 

Percy, Lady Elizabeth. See Ogle. 

family, mentioned, 129, 130. 

Peru, mentioned, 280. 

Peterborough, Earl of (Henry Mor- 
daunt), at Monck's funeral, 36 ; 
at Council meeting, 255. 

Petre, Captain, mentioned, 308. 

Jack (of Fidlers), mentioned, 


John, letter to Albemarle, 164. 

Lady, her house searched, 


— ■ — Lord (Thomas), at election, 185 ; 
letter to Albemarle, 308. 

(William), in the Tower, 


Peyton, Catherine, mentioned, 348 

Philip II. (King of Spain), at New- 
hall, 96. 

Phillips, Sir Edward, orders from 
Albemarle to, 200. 

— — Mr., agent of the Duchess, 

Phips, Captain William (Sir), cruises 
in Spanish main, 243 ; meets 
Albemarle, 244 ; commands ex- 
pedition, 246 ; share of treasure, 
247 ; his journal, 247 ; trades 
with Spaniards, 248 ; fishes for 
treasure, 249 ; returns with treas- 
ure, 250 ; foundation of fortune, 
251 ; second in command, 253 ; 
knighted, 254 ; sails, 256 ; at 
Barbadoes, 279 ; his ship, 322. 

Mrs., her gold cup, 251, 252. 

Piccadilly, mentioned, 81, 141. 

Pierrepont, Lady Elizabeth, men- 
tioned, 72, 175 ; letter from 
Duchess of Newcastle, 176. 



Pierrepont family, their politics, 70. 

Frances. See Ogle, Lady. 

Gertrude, marries Halifax, 70. 

Gervase, trustee for Albemarle, 


■ William, consulted by Monck, 

27 ; house of, 28 ; advice to Albe- 
marle, yj ; Stringer employed by, 

Pirates (see also Privateers, Buc- 
caneers, Biscayans), proclamation 
against, 261 ; protection against, 
286 ; seize ships, 300 ; mercliant- 
men suffer from, 301-2 ; French, 

Plague, The Great, Monck braves, 

Plantagenet, Arthur (Viscount Lisle), 
ancestor of Monck, 4. 

Pleshie, mentioned, 237. 

Plot, Popish, discovery of, 106 ; 
Danby disbelieves in, 107 ; alarm 
of citizens, in ; compared with 
Rye House, 165. 

Rye House, described, 165 ; 

arrests for complicity in, 166 ; 
results of, 188. 

Ph^mouth, Albemarle visits, 99 ; 
Mayor of, 100 ; Assistance at, 277 ; 
salutes Albemarle, 278 ; Duchess 
lands at, 333. 

Earl of, goes to Holland, 105. 

Pollexfen, Sir Henry, consults with 
Duchess, 231. 

Port Royal, Albemarle enters, 279 ; 
Albemarle entertained at, 280 ; 
mentioned, 289 ; house at, 291 ; 
description of, 292 ; proclamation 
at, 293 ; piratesl and at, 303 ; fetes 
at, 317 ; Morgan buried from, 318. 

Porta Bella, Lynch visits, 320. 

Plata, 248. 

Porter, Mr., mentioned, 7^. 

Portsmouth, Duchess of (Louise de 
Keroualle), arrives in England, 41 ; 
entertainment of, 58 ; created 
Duchess, 59 ; rooms at Whitehall, 
83 ; at Oxford, 121 ; gaming with 
King, 131 ; pleads for Russell, 167; 
Evelyn sees, 1 78 ; her appearance, 

Albemarle goes to, 147 ; Assist- 
ance at, 273 ; mentioned, 275 ; 
Duke and Duchess go to, 276 ; sail 
from, 277. 

Portugal, Queen goes to, 306. 
Potheridge, mentioned, 4, 47; Albe- 
marle visits, 99 ; sold, 346. 
Povey, John, quotation from, 

Powell, Mr. Baron, comments on 
Albemarle, 271. 
j Powis, Marquis of (William Herbert), 
I at Council, 255. 

j Pojming's Act in Ireland and Jamaica, 
I 284. 

I Presbyterians in Parliament, in. 
! Preston, Lord, letters to, from 
i Shepherd, 142. 

I Price, Dr., chaplain and biographer 
of G. Monck, 10; plots of, 14; tutor 
to Christopher, 21 ; chaplain to 
Albemarle, 85. 
Pride, Elizabeth (cousin of Albemarle), 
her family, 50 ; her marriage to 
Sherwin, 51 ; her husband, 69 ; 
Duchess hates, 159 ; heir-at-law, 
346 ; sells Clitheroe, 347. 

Col. (the regicide), 50. 

Prince of Wales. See Old Pre- 
Privateers (see also Pirates and Buc- 
caneers), Sandwich tries to sup- 
press, 282 ; encouraged by early 
governors, 283 ; surrender to 
Albemarle, 314. 
Privy Council, new form of, 109, no ; 
Albemarle attends, 116, 189, 226; 
lords of, 166 ; meeting of, 192 ; 
proclaims Monmouth traitor, 199 ; 
meeting of, 255 ; Albemarle's last 
visit to, 273 ; approval of, 284 ; on 
Jamaica, 298. 
Proclamation against duelling, men- 
tioned, 116. 
Protestant Association, 117; Whigs 

support, 120. 
Public Record Office, MSS. in, 

Pudsey, Elizabeth, attendant of 
Duchess, yz ; a witness, 105. 


QuEENSBERRY, Marquis OF (William 
Douglas), receives letter from 
Moray, 205. 

Queen's Troop of Horse, at Monck's 
funeral, 36. 




Radford, Thomas, first husband of 
Anne Clarges, 6, 7, 31 ; mentioned, 

Ranelagh, letter to Conway, 104. 

Rawlinson, Christopher, MSS. of, 
274 note. 

Cunven (of Cork Hall), husband 

of Eliz. Monck, made bowbearer 
of Bowlands, 69. 

Elizabeth (Monck). See Monck, 


Reeves, Major, a judge, 299. 

Registry' (Cambridge University), 
papers relating to Albemarle, 
142 note. 

Reid, George, accuses Molesworth, 
295; letter to Bishop of London (?), 
298 ; letter to Father Churchill, 
313 ; opinion of Lynch, 314. 

Ren wick, Dr., advises Albemarle, 

Reresby, Sir John, a letter from, 75 ; 
record by, 226. 

Revenue Bill (Jamaica), 312. 

Rewton, manor of, 47. 

Richmond, Duke of (Charles Stuart), 
at Whitehall, 32 ; at Monck's 
funeral, 36 ; at Windsor, 44. 

Ridley Hall, mentioned, 46. 

Riley, John (artist), portrait of Albe- 
marle, 275. 

Ringrose, Mr., a sword mender, 


Rochester, Earl of (Lawrence Hyde), 
Bramston fears, 183 ; declines to 
attend Mass, 187 ; at Council 
meeting, 255. 

(John Wilmot), example 

of, 48 ; mentioned, loi. 

Rockhalts, mentioned, 238. 

Rodisse, the parish of, 47. 

Rodney (a guardsman), attacks 
Herbert, 145. 

Rogers, John, letter to, 48. 

Captain Francis, of the Henry, 

247 ; finds treasure ship, 248. 

Rolfe, John, letter to Albemarle 
from, 119. 

Roman Catholics (see also Papists), 
and Rye House Plot, 165 ; King 
Charles dies a, 179 ; and the Test 
Act, 226 ; Berwick a, 230 ; pro- 
tection for, 268. 

Ranton, manor of, 47. 

Roos, Lord (Richard), verses by, 

Lord, his greyhounds, 115 


Roothings, mentioned, 237. 

Rotherhithe, fair at, 177. 

Royal Adventurers of England. See 
Royal African Company. 

Royal African Company, Albemarle 
to care for, 267 ; organisation 
of, 284 ; shareholders, 285 ; a 
monopoly, 285 ; history of, 284 
passim ; dividends of, 286 ; policy 
of, 289; factor of, 294,299; accounts 
of, 295 ; and the Revolution, 296 ; 
factor of, 299 ; mentioned, 304 ; 
dissatisfaction with Coinage Bill, 
312 note ; influence with King, 323. 

Rumford, mentioned, 236. 

Rumsey, Colonel, surrenders to 
Albemarle, 166. 

Rupert, Prince, constable of Windsor 
Castle, 42 ; at installation, 43 ; 
his mezzotints, 51 note ; com- 
mands English forces, 56 ; lacks 
sailors, 57 ; instructs Sherwin, 69 ; 
imitated by Albemarle, 93 ; votes 
Stafford guilty, 118 ; his secretary, 
245 ; shares in R. A. Co., 285 ; 
mentioned, 290. 

Russell, William, Lord, and the Rye 
House Plot, 166; his trial, 167; 
his execution, 168 ; mentioned, 
214 ; daughter marries Caven- 
dish, 307. 

Russian Ambassador, mentioned, 

Rutland, Earl of (John Manners), 
mentioned, 162 ; signs petition, 

Madam, buys lace, 157. 

Rye, Ambassador embarks at, 146. 

House Plot. See Plot. 

Salisbury, reinforcements sent to, 

third Earl of (James Cecil), in 

the Tower, 101 ; his petition, 102. 
fourth Earl of (James Cecil), 

mentioned, 307. 
Samana, mentioned, 248. 
Sancroft, William. See Canterbury, 

Archbishop of. 



Sandford, Francis, book describing 
Monck's funeral, 35. 

Sandwich, election at, 181, 182 ; 
Parker at, 188 ; mentioned, 190. 

Earl of (Edward Montagu), at 

Whitehall, 32 ; at Monck's funeral, 
36 ; at installation ceremony, 42, 
43 ; and the Treaty of Madrid, 

Savage, Peter, pardon for, 50. 

Saville, Henry, mentioned, 345 note. 

Saxony, Prince Elector of, elected to 
Order of Garter, 33 ; installation 
of, 42. 

Schomberg, Duke of (Frederick 
Herman), arrival of, 55 ; lieutenant- 
colonel, 56, 57. 

Scilly Isles sighted, 250. 

Scott, Lady Anne. See Monmouth, 
Duchess of. 

Searcher, patent as, 156. 

Sedgemoor, battle of, 211 ; won by 
Churchill, 213. 

Sedgemoor, The Battle of, a farce, 
213 note. 

Shaftesbury, Earl of (Anthony Ashley 
Cooper), friend of Albemarle, 70 ; 
in the Tower, loi ; President of 
Council, no ; Exclusion Bill, iii ; 
favours Monmouth, 112 ; attends 
Green Ribbon Club, 117 ; associates 
suspected, 166 ; shares in R. A. Co., 

Sharpe, Captain B., mentioned, 315. 

Shelden, Gilbert. See Canterbury, 
Archbishop of. 

Shepherd, Fleetwood, letter of, 142. 

Sheriffs, at fire, 163. 

Sherwin, William (artist), marries 
E. Pride, 51 ; aided by Albemarle, 
69 ; portrait of Duchess of Albe- 
marle, 227-8 ; suit against Albe- 
marle's estate, 346. 

Mrs. See Pride, Elizabeth. 

Shorts farm, 47. 

Shovell, Sir Cloudesley, mentioned, 
256 note. 

Shrewsbury, Earl of (Charles Talbot), 
out of favour, 223. 

Sidney, Algernon, a W'hig, 150 ; in 
Rye House Plot, 166 ; trial and 
execution, 168. 

Dorothy (Lady Sunderland), 

letter of, 70 ; letter to Halifax, 

Sidney, Henry (Earl of Romney), 
example of, 48 ; mentioned, 70 ; 
commander in Netherlands, 150 ; 
recalled, 151 and note. 

Robert. See Leicester, Earl of. 

Skelton, Sir Bevil, supper given by, 

Skinner, Dr. Thomas, Monck's 
physician and biographer, ii, 29. 

Slave-trade, need for, 284 ; laws con- 
cerning, 311. 

Sloane, Hans (Dr.), borrows Phips' 
journal, 247 ; report of treasure, 
251 ; reports other adventures, 
254 ; becomes Albemarle's physi- 
cian, 272 ; record of the voyage, 
278 ; enjoys fruits, 279 ; houses in 
Port Royal, 292 ; his treatment, 
316 ; warns Albemarle, 318 ; 
diagnosis of case, 319 ; describes 
death of Albemarle, 321 ; em- 
balms body, 322 ; escorts the 
Duchess, 330 ; account of voyage, 
331 ; discussion with Wright, 332 ; 
takes command, 333 ; attends the 
Duchess, 339 ; mentioned, 344. 

MSS., mentioned, 247. 

Smith, Thomas or John, a seaman, 
245 ; share of treasure, 247 ; pro- 
tests of, 255 ; his share, 256. 

Smith's Protestant Intelligence, quota- 
tion from, 120. 

Smithfield, fires of, in. 

Somerset, third Duke of (William 
Seymour), accompanies Albemarle, 
48 ; no pardon for, 50. 

sixth Duke of (Charles Seymour), 

arrogance of, 92 ; marries Lady 
Ogle, 130 ; at King's funeral, 180 ; 
orders to, 202. 

House, Monck's body lies at, 

32 ; procession from, 35 ; guard at, 
36 ; Albemarle's wills at, 64, 340 note. 

Somersetshire, militia refuse to fight, 
201 ; join Monmouth, 202 ; King 
complains of, 202. 

Southampton, estate near, 47. 
t Southwell, Sir Robert, letter from 
I Blathwayt, 219, 301 note. 
! Sovereign, Albemarle aboard the, 57. 
; Spaniards, trade with, 247, 248 ; 
' mentioned, 280. 
I Spanish Governor, protests of, 282. 
I Spanish main, cruises in, 243, 244 ; 
j inhabitants of, 281. 



Spanish Town (San Jaco de la Vega), 

description of, 292 ; Council sum- 
moned to, 297 ; heat of, 318. 
Speacer, Lady. See Cavendish, 

Spratt, Bishop, manuscripts of, 205 

Stafford, Viscount (William Howard), 

trial of, 117 ; execution of, 118. 
Street, site of Albemarle House, 

Staffordshire, estates in, 47. 
Stag-hunts at Ncwhall, 235, 237. 
Staidbourne, manor of, 47. 
Stamp, Elizabeth, attendant of 

Duchess, 343. 
Stanhope, Mr., mentioned, 263 and 

note ; received by Albemarle, 264. 
Stanley, Mr., election of, 188. 
Star Chamber, mentioned, 34. 
Steeple Hall, mentioned, 46. 
Sterling Castle, The, launching of, 

Stewkeley,John, letter to Verney, 116. 
St. Albans, Earl of (Henry Jermyn), 

at Monck's funeral, 36. 
St. Clement Danes, Church of, 

mentioned, 10, 19 ; inquisition 

held in, 350. 
St. George, feast of, mentioned, 33 ; 

41, 45 and note ; at Newhall, 236. 

Hall of, at Windsor, 42. 

St. Germains, Palace of, tapestry 

showing, 83 ; Court at, 348. 
St. Helen's Roads, ship anchors in, 

St. Jaco de Castello, resides in Jam- 
aica, 304 ; concerning, 313. 
San Jaco de la Vega. See Spanish 

St. James's Church, Clerkenwell, bells 

of, 176 and note. 
Piccadilly, Albemarle's pew 

in, 273. 
St. James's Palace, Monck lives in, 1 7 ; 

near, 81 ; Bath's house in, 275. 

Park, Albemarle walks in, 276. 

Square, Thanet's house in, 192. 

St. Katherine's Hall, Cambridge, 

mentioned, 263 note. 
St. Margaret's Church, Westminster, 

window in, 96. 
St. Nicholas Island, salutes Albemarle, 

St. Paul's Church, material for, 81. 

Strafford, third Earl of (Thomas 
Wentworth), marries, 307. 

Earl of (Thomas Wentworth), 

trial mentioned, 117. 

Strand, Monck's neighbours in, 76 ; 
fashion deserts the, 81 ; procession 
in, 141 ; neighbours from, 346. 

Stratford, Dr., letter of, 269 note. 

Streater, the artist, 83. 

Strickland, B., letter to Duchess, 

Mr., mentioned, 308. 

Stringer, Sir Thomas, a seat in Parlia- 
ment for, 188; aids Duchess, 227 ; 
meets Albemarle, 271 ; urges 
signing of will, 272 ; Albemarle 
reflects upon, 276 ; examines wills, 

Suffolk, Earl of (James Howard), at 
Monck's funeral, 36. 

Sunderland, Earl of (Robert Spencer), 
one of triumvirate, no ; losses at 
basset, 131 ; steward, 147 ; attends 
Mass, 187 ; letter from Newcastle, 
191 ; letters to Albemarle dm-ing 
Monmouth's Rebellion, 198, 199, 
212 ; orders to Somerset, 202 ; 
letter from Albemarle, 204 ; com- 
pliments Albemarle, 209 ; pass to 
Grosvenor, 210; letter to Bath, 
212 ; writes to Churchill, 213 ; 
queries regarding militia, 216 ; 
mentioned, 217 ; Albemarle in- 
quires of, 225 ; his son, 229 ; 
orders regarding Commission, 240 ; 
offered shares, 247 ; refuses emis- 
saries, 263 ; interview with, 265 ; 
letter to Albemarle, 294 ; inter- 
view with Father Churchill, 327. 

Lady, letter of, 151 note; 

mentioned, 307. 

Surrey, estates in, 47 ; election in, 

Sussex, Earl of (Thomas Ratcliffe), 
Newhall granted to, 96 ; signs 
petition, 163. 

Sutton, Anne, mother of Schomberg, 
56 note. 

Sutton-on-Derwent, manor of, 47. 

Sweden, King of, elected to Order 
of Garter, 33 ; installation of, 42. 

Swedish residence. See Lionberg. 

Sydenham, John, letter to Albemarle, 
148 ; letter of excuse to Albe- 
marle, 206. 



Tamerlaine the Great, played at 

Oxford, 121. 
Tangier, business of, discussed, 93 ; 

mentioned, 135, 213. 
House, Albemarle House called, 

Tapestries, French, 83. 
Tate, Nahum, continues Absalom 

and Achitophel, 139. 
Taunton, reception of Monmouth, 

201 ; Monmouth proclaimed at, 

202 ; occupied by Albemarle, 208 ; 
mentioned, 199, 205. 

maids of, their banners, 202, 

203 note. 

Taylor, Silas, agent at Harwich, 

Temple, Middle, gentlemen of, enter- 
tained, 125. 

Revels of, Albemarle attends, 


Sir William, summoned b}' King, 

109, no, 129. 

Lady, Lady Ogle joins, 129. 

Tendring, Mr., mentioned, 308. 

Test Act, effect of, 56 ; Albemarle 
complies with, 80 ; discussed, 226. 

Texel, battle of, fought, 58. 

Thanet, Lady. See Cavendish, 

Earl of, desires to be chamber- 
lain, 131 ; signs petition, 163 ; 
marries, 191 ; letter to Duchess 
of Newcastle, 192 ; letter to Mon- 
tagu, 345 ; mentioned, 306, 343. 

Theatre, His Royal Highness's, 
Macbeth given at, 135. 

Theobald's, royal park of, 46 ; re- 
version of, 80 ; mentioned, 346. 

Thoresby, mentioned, 29. 

Three Kings' Tavern, gateway of, 
81 note. 

Tuns Tavern, Monck lives at, 16. 

Spanish Gypsies, shop of Anne 

Clarges, 6. 

Thynne, Thomas, marriage and 
death of, 129. 

Tinker, Albemarle's racehorse, 116. 

Tories, name comes into use, 116; 
and the Rye House Plot, 165 ; 
loyalty of, 188. 

Torrington, Earl of. See Albemarle, 
second Duke of. 

Totnes, Albemarle visits, 100. 

Tottenham Court, scene of duel, 

Tower Hill, Stafiord executed on, 
118 ; Sidney executed on, 168 ; 
Monmouth executed on, 214. 

— — of London, Monck a prisoner 
in, 6, 7 ; peers imprisoned in, loi ; 
Roman Catholic peers in, 106 ; 
Petre imprisoned in, 114 ; Lieu- 
tenant of the, 117 ; mentioned, 
118; Danby in the, 120; Am- 
bassador visits, 135 ; Russell, 
Essex, and Sidney in, 167 ; men- 
tioned, 349. 

Towers, John, speaks seditiously, 

Trade and Plantations, Lords of the 
Committee of, informed of Albe- 
marle's Governorship, 240 ; learn 
of treasure ship, 244 ; Albemarle 
a member of, 245 ; mentioned, 
290 ; letters from Albemarle to, 
291, 299, 300-1, 303, 304, 311 ; 
letter from Inchiquin, 324. 

Traphan, Dr., Jamaican physician, 
318 ; attends Albemarle, 320. 

Treasure ship, wrecked, 243 : re- 
port of, 244 ; arrival in England, 
251 ; attack on, 297. 

Treat}' of Dover, 41. 

of Madrid, 282. 

Treby, Lord Chief - Justice, his 
summing up, 64. 

Trinity College (Cambridge), re- 
paired by Albemarle, 139. 

Triumvirate — Halifax, Essex, and 
Sunderland, no. 

True Protestant Mercury, quotation 
from, 121. 

Trunk lost, Albemarle's, 54. 

Turenne, his nephew, 207. 

Turk's Island, 250. 

Turk's Tyger or Eiger, King's frigate, 

Turner, Mr., strikes Mildmay, 109. 
Tuscany, Grand Duke of (Cosmo dei 

Medici in.), visits Newhall, 25 ; 

estimate of Christopher, 26 ; 

criticises dinner, 98. 


University College, Oxford, 

mentioned, 121. 
Usher of the Black Rod, 174. 




Van Tromp, death of, lo. 

Vane, Colonel, soldiers threaten, 

Vaughan, Lord, Governor of Jamaica, 

Venetian Ambassador, quoted, 177. 
Vera Cruz, mentioned, 302. 
Verney, John, concerning treasure, 


Ralph, letter to, 116. 

Verrio, Antonio, wall paintings of, 

Versailles, tapestry showing, 83. 
Vincent, Nathaniel (of Clare College), 

correspondence with Vivian, 138. 
Virginia, mines in, 266 ; mentioned, 

Vivian, Thomas (Albemarle's secre- 
tary), correspondence with Vincent, 

138 ; mentioned, 158. 
Voyage to Madeira, quotation from, 



Wade, lands with Monmouth, 197. 
Wapping, fire in, 163. 
Warbeck, Perkin, Monmouth re- 
ferred to as, 211. 
Warcup, Colonel, information given 

to, 114. 
Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting, 68 ; 

story of the Mad Duchess, 343. 
Waltham Abbey (monks of), own 

Newhall, 95 ; given window, 96. 

fair at, 238. 

Cross, Parish of, 47. 

Wanstead, 236. 

Ward, Col. Joseph, his pocket-book, 

256 note. 
Dr. Seth (Bishop of Salisbury), 

sermon by, 36. 
Wardrobe, the great, supplies from, 

Waters, Lucy, Monmouth's mother, 

Watson, Sir Francis, acts as judge, 

299 ; Albemarle visits, 317 and 

note ; acting governor, 331. 
Welbeck Abbey, 28, 29 ; copies of 

wills at, 64 ; Cavendish family at, 
. 72 ; anxiety at, 74 ; Albemarle 

visits, 87 ; Duchess of Albemarle 

visits, 132, 160, 223, 339; her be- 
haviour at, 161 ; mentioned, 162 ; 
Duchess leaves, 227, 340. 

Welbeck MSS. mentioned, 87. 

Wellington, Albemarle holds, 201 ; 
militia encouraged at, 202. 

Wells, Monmouth goes to, 208. 

Wemyss, Lord, his wife, 27. 

Wentworth, Lady Henrietta, acts in 
masque, 71. 

West Indies, land in the, 47 ; Albe- 
marle's connection with, 243 ; 
mentioned, 244 ; venture in, 261 ; 
protection for, 286 ; luxuries in, 


Westminster Abbey, Duchess of 
Albemarle buried in, 35 ; funeral 
of Monck, 35, 36 ; chapel in, 96 ; 
Ambassador visits, 135 ; funeral 
of Charles 11., 180 ; Mass said 
in, 186-7 ; coronation in, 189 ; 
Albemarle buried in, 334 ; Monck 
monument in, 34T, 353. 

Hall, trial of Stafford in, 117; 

Ambassador visits, 135. 

Old Palace of, mentioned, 233. 

Westmoreland, Earl of (Charles 
Fane), letter from, 130. 

Wharton, Baron (Philip), in the 
Tower, loi ; his petition, 102. 

Whetstone Park, a slum of London, 
48, 49, 50 ; mentioned, 63. 

Whig, name comes into use, 116; 
triumph of, 120 ; mentioned, 144 ; 
feast of, 147 ; Sidney a, 150 ; 
Rye House Plot and, 165 ; King's 
cook a, 169; mentioned, 144. 

White, John, dismissed from office, 
312 ; scandals confirmed, 313. 

Whitehall Palace, Monck lives in, 
16 ; Chapter held at, 32, 41 ; 
ball postponed, 48, 49 ; Monmouth 
returns to, 59 ; its sins, 63 ; the 
Ladies' Masque at, 71 ; furnish- 
ings of, 83 ; Buckingham at, loi ; 
Gates at, 106 ; garrisoned, 120 ; 
Court leaves, 136 ; lodgings at, 174 ; 
Sunday night at, 178; King's death 
at, 179; changes noticed at, 180; 
Bramston goes to, 183 ; changes at, 
194; dispatches from, 201; Albe- 
marle goes to, 216 ; opinion of 
Albemarle, 219 ; Council meets 
at, 226 ; rumours in, 233 ; ante- 
rooms of, 243 ; Father Francis goes 



to, 263 ; Albemarle goes to, 264 ; 
meeting in, 285 ; Morgan enter- 
tained at, 305 ; mentioned, 150, 
199, 276, 307, 314, 323. 

Whitney, King visits, 121. 

Widderington, mentioned, 306. 

Wight, Isle of, refuge behind, 277. 

William iii. (and see Orange), con- 
firms orders for Jamaica, 323 ; 
mentioned, 334 ; Albemarle's feel- 
ing for, 335. 

Williamson, Sir Joseph, his agents, 
55 ; his pew, 273 ; letters from 
Coventry, 93-5 ; letter from Lan- 
yon, 99 ; ignorant of negotiations, 

Willis, Sir Richard, plots to make 
Monck king, 16, 17. 

Wills of Albemarle, mentioned, 64 ; 
Colonel Monck's place in, 65 ; 
contest over, 68 ; making of 
second, 230-2; will of 1675, 340; 
conditions of, 340, 341, 342. 

Wiltshire, Albemarle joint Lord- 
Lieutenant of, 123 ; militia, 209. 

Winchester, Albemarle at races, 147 ; 
races at, 155 ; Albemarle wins at, 
223 ; King visits, 224. 

Window, stained-glass, at Newhall, 

Windsor Castle, in disrepair, 42 ; 
installation at, 43, 100 ; King 
visits, 114; garrisoned, 120; 
wrestling match at, 126 ; Albe- 
marle at, 147 ; Court at, 155 ; 
Albemarle goes to, 234 ; men- 
tioned, 240 ; Treasury Chamber 
in, 252 ; King at, 273 ; mentioned, 
46, 305- 

Woodcock (racehorse), 52. 

Worcester, Marquis of (Henry Somer- 
set), regiment of, 55 ; letter to wife, 
105 ; Southwell visits, 219. 

Worksop Manor, home of Lord 
Ogle, 88. 

Wrestling match, Albemarle diverts 
the King with, 116; at Windsor, 

Wright sisters, attendants of the 
Duchess, 86 ; gives orders, 329 ; 
Duchess in care of, 343 ; witnesses, 

Wright, Lawrence, commander of 
Assistance, 273 ; protects wreck, 
297 ; his log-book, 317 ; pre- 
pares for return, 330 ; disobeys 
Watson, 330 ; discussion with 
Sloane, 332 ; abandons Duchess, 
333 ; reconsiders, 334. 

Wynne, Luttrell, d.c.l., MSS. of, 
256 note. 

Owen, D.C.L., MSS. of, 256 note. 

Yacht, Albemarle's, 64 ; sails for 
Jamaica, 277 ; at Boston, 325 ; 
receives body of Albemarle, 330 ; 
Duchess embarks on, 333. 

Yankee, the pirate, 300. 

Yarmouth, Lord, signs petition, 163. 

troops land at, 57, 58. 

York Buildings, Albemarle removes 
to, 172. 

York, James, Duke of (see also 
James 11.), present at Chapter, 32 ; 
at Windsor, 42, 44 ; unable to take 
oaths, 56 ; visits fleet, 57 ; at 
Barn- Elms, 58 ; friendship for 
Bath, 69 ; his daughters, 71 ; 
becomes a Roman Catholic, 93 ; 
at Newmarket, 94 ; remonstrates 
with King, loi ; Popish plot, 106 ; 
ordered to Brussels, no ; com- 
plains of injustice, in ; influence 
feared, m ; has no son, 112 ; 
summoned to Court, 112 ; in Edin- 
burgh, 132 ; entertained by Albe- 
marle, 147 ; Rye House Plot 
against, 166; comment on Sidney's 
death, 168; proclaimed king, 179; 
receives booty of buccaneers, 282 ; 
shares in R. A. Co., 285 ; governor of 
R. A. Co., 285 ; presides at R. A. Co. 
meeting, 286; mentioned, 148. 
Yorkshire, 47. 

Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty 
at the Edinburgh University Press 




Santa Barbara 


Series 94«2 


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